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IT has seemed to me that there should be a history of the development, 
the revolt, and the tragedy of Anarchy in Chicago. This history I 
have written as impartially and as fairly as I knew how to write it. I 
have kept steadily before my eyes the motto, 

" Nothing extenuate, nor set down aught in malice." 

It will be found in the succeeding pages that neither animosity against 
the revolutionists, nor partiality to the State, has influenced the work. I 
have dealt with this episode in Chicago's history as calmly and as fairly as 
I am able. I have tried to put myself in the position of the misguided 
men whose conspiracy led to the Haymarket explosion and to the gallows; 
to understand their motives; to appreciate their ideals for so only could 
this volume be properly written. 

And to present a broader view, I have added a history of all forms of 
Socialism, Communism, Nihilism and Anarchy. In this, though necessarily 
brief, it has been the purpose to give all the important facts, and to set 
forth the theories of all those who, whether moderate or radical, whether 
sincerely laboring in the interests of humanity or boisterously striving for 
notoriety, have endeavored or pretended to improve upon the existing order 
of society. 

After the dynamite bomb exploded, carrying death into the ranks of men 
with whom I had been for years closely associated after an impudent attack 
had been made upon our law and upon our system, which I was sworn to 
defend it came to me as a duty to the State, a duty to my dead and 
wounded comrades, to bring the guilty men to justice ; to expose the con- 
spiracy to the world, and thus to assist in vindicating the law. How the 
duty was performed, this story tells. 

It is a plain narrative whose interest lies in the momentous character of 
the facts which it relates. Much of it is now for the first time given to the 
public. I have drawn upon the records of the case, made in court, but 
more especially upon the reports made to me, during the progress of the 
investigation, by the many detectives who were working under my direc- 

I can say for my book no more than this : that from the first page to the 
last there is no material statement which is not to my knowledge true. The 
reader, then, may at least depend upon the accuracy of the information 
presented here, even if I cannot make any other claim. 

It would be unfair and ungrateful if I did not seize this opportunity to 


put on lasting record my obligations to Judge Julius S. Grinnell, who was 
State's Attorney during the investigation. His support, steady and full of 
tact, enabled me to go through with the work, in spite of obstacles deliber- 
ately put in my way. My position was a delicate and difficult one : had it not 
been for him, and for others, success would have been almost impossible. 

Nor can I forego this occasion to bear testimony to the magnificent 
police work done in the case by Inspector Bonfield and his brother, James 
Bonfield, and by the officers who acted directly with me. These were 
Lieut. Charles A. Larsen and Officers Herman Schuettler, Michael Whalen, 
Jacob Loewenstein, Michael Hoffman, Charles Rehm, John Stift and B. P. 
Baer. Mr. Edmund Furthmann, at that time Assistant State's Attorney, as 
I have elsewhere recorded, worked upon the inquiry into the conspiracy 
with an acumen, a perseverance and an industry which were beyond all 
praise. I knew, when he was first associated with me in the case, that the 
outcome must be a victory for outraged law, and the result vindicated the 
prediction. To Mr. Thomas O. Thompson and to Mr. John T. McEnnis 
much of the literary form of this volume is to be credited, and to them also 
I am under lasting obligations. MICHAEL J. SCHAACK. 

Chicago, February, 1889. 



The Beginning of Anarchy The German School of Discontent The 

Socialist Future The Asylum in London Birth of a Word Work of the French 
Revolution The Conspiracy of Babeuf Etienne Cabet's Experiment The Colony 
in the United States Settled at Nauvoo Fourier and his System The Familistere 
at Guise Louis Blanc and the National Work-shops Proudhon, the Founder of 
French Anarchy German Socialism: Its Rise and Development Rodbertus and his 
Followers "Capital," by Karl Marx The "Bible of the Socialists" The Red 
Internationale Bakounine and his Expulsion from the Society The New Conspiracy 

Ferdinand Lassalle and the Social Democrats The Birth of a Great Movement 
Growth of Discontent Leaders after Lassalle The Central Idea of the Revolt 
American Methods and the Police Position 17 


Dynamite in Politics Historical Assassinations Infernal Machines in 
France The Inventor of Dynamite M. Noble and his Ideas The Nitro-Compounds 

How Dynamite is Made The New French Explosive ' ' Black Jelley " and the Nihil- 
ists What the Nihilists Believe and What they Want The Conditions in Russia- The 
White and the Red Terrors Vera Sassoulitch Tourgenieff and the Russian Girl 
The Assassination of the Czar " It is too Soon to Thank God " The Dying Emperor 
Two Bombs Thrown Running Down the Conspirators Sophia Perowskaja, the 
Nihilist Leader The Handkerchief Signal The Murder Roll Tried and Convicted 

A Brutal Execution Five Nihilists Pay the Penalty Last Words Spoken but Un- 
heard A Deafening Tattoo The Book-bomb and the Present Czar Strychnine- 
coated Bullets St. Peter and Paul's Fortress Dynamite Outrages in England The 
Record of Crime Twenty-nine Convicts and their Offenses Ingenious Bomb-making 

The Failures of Dynamite 28 


The Exodus to Chicago Waiting for an Opportunity A Political Party 
Formed A Question of $600,000 The First Socialist Platform Details of the Organ- 
ization Work at the Ballot-Box Statistics of Socialist Progress The "Interna- 
tional Workingmen's Party" and The " Workingmen's Party of the United States" 
The Eleven Commandments of Labor How the Work was to be Done A Curious 
Constitution Beginnings of the Labor Press The Union Congress Criticising the 
Ballot-Box The Executive Committee and its Powers Annals of 1876 A Period of 
Preparation The Great Railroad Strikes of 1877 The First Attack on Society A 
Decisive Defeat Trying Politics Again The "Socialistic Party" Its Leaders and 
its Aims August Spies as an Editor Buying the Arbeiter-Zeitung How the Money 
was Raised Anarchist Campaign Songs The Group Organization Plan of the Prop- 
aganda Dynamite First Taught "The Bureau of Information" An Attack on 
Arbitration No Compromise with Capital Unity of the Internationalists and the 

Socialists 44 




Socialism, Theoretic and Practical Statements of the Leaders Ven- 
geance on the " Spitzels" The Black Flag in the Streets Resolutions in the Alarm 
The Board of Trade Procession Why it Failed Experts on Anarchy Parsons, Spies, 
Schwab and Fielden Outline their Belief The International Platform Why Commun- 
ism Must Fail A French Experiment and its Lesson The Law of Averages Extracts 
from the Anarchistic Press Preaching Murder Dynamite or the Ballot-Box ? " The 
Reaction in America" Plans for Street Fighting Riot Drill and Tactics Bakounine 
and the Social Revolution Twenty-one Statements of an Anarchist's Duty Herways' 
Formula Predicting the Haymarket The Lehr und Wehr Verein and the Supreme 
Court The White Terror and the Red Reinsdorf, the Father of Anarchy His 
Association with Hoedel and Nobiling Attempt to Assassinate the German Emperor 
Reinsdorf at Berlin His Desperate Plan "Old Lehmann " and the Socialist's Dag- 
ger The Germania Monument An Attempt to Kill the Whole Court A Culvert 
Full of Dynamite A Wet Fuse and no Explosion Reinsdorf Condemned to Death 
His Last Letters Chicago Students of his Teachings De Tocqueville and Social- 
ism 74 


The Socialistic Programme Fighting a Compromise Opposition to the 
Eight-hour Movement The Memorial to Congress Eight Hours' Work Enough 
The Anarchist Position An Alarm Editorial "Capitalists and Wage Slaves" 
Parsons' Ideas The Anarchists and the Knights of Labor Powder ly's Warning 
Working up a Riot The Effect of Labor-saving Machinery Views of Edison and 
Wells The Socialistic Demonstration The Procession of April 25, 1886 How the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung Helped on the Crisis The Secret Circular of 1886 104 


The Eight-hour Movement Anarchist Activit)'-^The Lock-out at Mc- 
Cormick's Distorting the Facts A Socialist Lie The True Facts about McCor- 
mick's Who Shall Run the Shops? Abusing the "Scabs" High Wages for 
Cheap Work The Union Loses $3,000 a Day Preparing for Trouble Arming the 
Anarchists Ammunition Depots Pistols and Dynamite Threatening the Police 
The Conspirators Show the White Feather Capt. O'Donnell's Magnificent Police 
Work The Revolution Blocked A Foreign Reservation An Attempt to Mob the 
Police The History of the First Secret Meeting Lingg's First Appearance in the 
Conspiracy The Captured Documents Bloodshed at McCormick's "The Battle 
Was Lost" Officer Casey's Narrow Escape, 112 


The Coup d'Etat a Miscarriage Effect of the Anarchist Failure at 
McCormick's "Revenge" Text of the Famous Circular The German Version 
An Incitement to Murder Bringing on a Conflict Engel's Diabolical Plan The 
R61e of the Lehr und Wehr Verein The Gathering of the Armed Groups Fischer's 
Sanguinary Talk The Signal for Murder " Ruhe " and its Meaning Keeping 
Clear of the Mouse-Trap The Haymarket Selected Its Advantages for Revo- 
lutionary War The Call for the Murder Meeting " Workingmen, Arm Yourselves" 
Preparing the Dynamite The Arbeiter-Zeitung Arsenal The Assassins' Roost at 


58 Clybourn Avenue The Projected Attack on the Police Stations Bombs for Ail 
who Wished Them Waiting for the Word of Command Why it was not Given 
The Leaders' C murage Fails 129 


The Air Full of Rumors A Riot Feared Police Preparations Bon- 
field in Command The Haymarket Strategic Value of the Anarchists' Position 
Crane's Alley The Theory of Street Warfare Inflaming the Mob Schnaubelt and 
his Bomb ' ' Throttle the Law " The Limit of Patience Reached "In the Name of 
' the People, Disperse" The Signal Given The Crash of Dynamite First Heard on 
an American Street Murder in the Air^A Rally and a Charge The Anarchists 
Swept Away A Battle Worthy of Veterans . . 139 


The Dead and the Wounded Moans of Anguish in the Police Station 
Caring for Friend and Foe Counting the Cost A City's Sympathy The Death 
List Sketches of the Men The Doctors' Work Dynamite Havoc Veterans of 
the Haymarket A Roll of Honor The Anarchist Loss Guesses at their Dead 

Concealing Wounded Rioters The Explosion a Failure Disappointment of the 
Terrorists 149 


The Core of the Conspiracy Search of the Arbeiter-Zeitung Office The 
Captured Manuscript Jealousies in the Police Department The Case Threatened 
with Failure Stupidity at the Central Office Fischer Brought in Rotten Detective 
Work The Arrest of Spies His Egregious Vanity An Anarchist "Ladies' Man" 

Wine Suppers with the Actresses Nina Van Zandt's Antecedents Her Romantic 
Connection with the Case Fashionable Toilets Did Spies Really Love Her? His 
Curious Conduct The Proxy Marriage The End of the Romance -The Other Con- 
spirators Mrs. Parsons' Origin The Bomb-Thrower in Custody The Assassin 
Kicked Out of the Chief's Office Schnaubelt and the Detectives Suspicious Con- 
duct at Headquarters Schnaubelt Ordered to Keep Away From the City Hall An 
Amazing Incident A Friendly Tip to a Murderer My Impressions of the Schnau- 
belt Episode Balthasar Rau and Mr. Furthmann Phantom Shackles in a Pullman 
Experiments with Dynamite An Explosive Dangerous to Friend and Foe Testing 
the Bombs Fielden and the Chief 156 


My Connection with the Anarchist Cases A Scene at the Central Office 
Mr. Hanssen's Discovery Politics and Detective Work Jealousy Against Inspector 
Bonfield Dynamiters on Exhibition Courtesies to the Prize-fighters A Friendly 
Tip My First Lighten the Case A Promise of Confidence One Night's Work 

The Chief Agrees to my Taking up the Case Laying Our Plans ' ' We Have 
Found tha Bomb Factory ! " Is it a Trap ? A Patrol-wagon Full of Dynamite No 
Help Hoped for from Headquarters Conference with State's Attorney Grinnell 
Furthmann's Work Opening up the Plot Trouble with the Newspaper Men Un- 
expected Advantage of Hostile Criticism Information from Unexpected Quarters 
Queer Episodes of the Hunt Clues Good, Bad and Indifferent A Mysterious Lady 
with a Veil A Conference in my Bark Yard The Anarchists Alarmed A Breezy 


Conference with Ebersold Threatening Letters Menaces Sent to the Wives of the 
Men Working on the Case How the Ladies Behaved The Judge and Mrs. Gary 
Detectives on Each Other's Trail The Humors of the Case Amusing Incidents, 183 


Tracking the Conspirators Female Anarchists A Bevy of Beauties 
Petticoated Ugliness The Breathless Messenger A Detective's Danger Turning 
the Tables "That Man is a Detective!" A Close Call Gaining Revolutionists' 
Confidence Vouched for by the Conspirators Speech-making Extraordinary The 
Hiding-place in the Anarchists' Hall Betrayed by a Woman The Assassination of 
Detective Brown at Cedar Lake Saloon-keepers and the Revolution "Anarchists for 
Revenue Only " Another Murder Plot The Peep-hole Found Hunting for Detect- 
ives Some Amusing Ruses of the Revolutionists A Collector of " Red " Literature 
and his Dangerous Bonfire Ebersold's Vacation Threatening the Jury Measures 
Taken for their Protection Grinnell's Danger A "Bad Man" in Court The Find 
at the Arbeiter-Zeitung Office Schnaubelt's Impudent Letter Captured Correspond- 
ence The Anarchists' Complete Letter-writer, 206 


The Difficulties of Detection Moving on the Enemy A Hebrew An- 
archist Oppenheimer's Story Dancing over Dynamite Twenty-Five Dollars' Worth 
of Practical Socialism A Woman's Work How Mrs. Seliger Saved the North Side 
A Well-merited Tribute Seliger Saved by his Wife The Shadow of the Hangman's 
Rope A Hunt for a Witness Shadowing a Hack The Commune Celebration 
Fixing Lingg's Guilt Preparing the Infernal Machines A Boy Conspirator Lingg's 
Youthful Friend Anarchy in the Blood How John Thielen was Taken into Camp 

His Curious Confession Other Arrests 230 



Completing the Case Looking for Lingg The Bomb-maker's Birth 
Was he of Royal Blood? A Romantic Family History -^- Lingg and his Mother 
Captured Correspondence A Desperate and Dangerous Character Lingg Disappears 
A Faint Trail Found Looking for Express Wagon 1999 The Number that Cost 
the Fugitive his Life A Desperado at Bay Schuettler's Death Grapple Lingg in 
the Shackles His Statement at the Station The Transfer to the Jail Lingg's Love 
for Children The Identity of his Sweetheart An Interview with Hubner His 
Confession The Meeting at Neff 's Place, .... 256 


Engel in the Toils His Character and Rough Eloquence Facing his 
Accusers Waller's Confession The Work of the Lehr und Wehr Verein A 
Dangerous Organization The Romance of Conspiracy Organization of the Armed 
Sections Plans and Purposes Rifles Bought in St. Louis The Picnics at Sheffield 

A Dynamite Drill The Attack on McCormick's A Frightened Anarchist 
Lehman in the Calaboose Information from many Quarters The Cost of Revolvers 

Lorenz Hermann's Story Some Expert Lying .... 283 


Pushing the Anarchists A Scene on a Street-car How Hermann 
Muntzenberg Gave Himself Away The Secret Signal " D n the Informers" A 


Satchelful of Bombs More about Engel's Murderous Plan Drilling the Lehr und 
Wehr Verein Breitenfeld's Cowardice An Anarchist Judas The Hagemans 
Dynamite in Gas-pipe An Admirer of Lingg A Scheme to Remove the Author The 
Hospitalities of the Police Station Mrs. Jebolinski's Indignation A Bogus Milkman 

An Unwilling Visitor Mistaken for a Detective An Eccentric Prisoner Division 
of Labor at the Dynamite Factory Clermont's Dilemma The Arrangements for the 
Haymarket L . . 312 


Fluttering the Anarchist Dove-cote Confessions by Piecemeal 
Statements from the Small Fry One of Schnaubelt's Friends " Some One Wants to 
Hang Me" Neebe's Bloodthirsty Threats Burrowing in the Dark The Starved- 
out Cut-throat Torturing a Woman Hopes of Habeas Corpus "Little" Krueger's 
Work Planning a Rescue The Signal "? ? ?" and its Meaning A Red-haired 
Man's Story Firing the Socialist Heart Meetings with Locked Doors An Ambush 
for the Police The Red Flag Episode Beer and Philosophy Baum's Wife and 
Baby A Wife-beating Revolutionist Brother Eppinger's Duties 334 


The Plot against the Police Anarchist Banners and Emblems Stealing 
a Captured Flag A Mystery at a Station-house Finding the Fire Cans Their 
Construction and Use Imitating the Parisian Petroleuses Glass Bombs -r- Putting 
the Women Forward Cans and Bombs Still Hidden Among the Bohemians 
Testing the Infernal Machines The Effects of Anarchy The Moral to be Drawn 
Looking for Labor Sympathy A Crazy Scheme Catling Gun vs. Dynamite The 
Threatened Attack on the Station-houses Watching the Third Window Selecting a 
Weapon Planning Murder The Test of Would-be Assassins The Meeting at Lin- 
coln Park Peril of the Hinman Street Station-house A Fortunate Escape, . 364 


The Legal Battle The Beginning of Proceedings in Court Work in 
the Grand Jury Room The Circulation of Anarchistic Literature A Witness who was 
not Positive Side Lights on the Testimony The Indictments Returned Selecting 
a Jury Sketches of the Jurymen Ready for the Struggle 376 


Judge Grinnell's Opening Statement of the Case The Light of the 4th 
of May The Dynamite Argument Spies' Fatal Prophecy The Eight-hour Strike 

The Growth of the Conspiracy Spies' Cowardice at McCormick's The ' ' Revenge " 
Circular Work of the Arbeiter-Zeitung and the Alarm The Secret Signal A Fright- 
ful -Plan ' ' Ruhe " Lingg, the Bomb-maker The Haymarket Conspiracy The 
Meeting "We are Peaceable" After the Murder The Complete Case Pre- 
sented 390 


The Great Trial Opens Bonfield's History of the Massacre How the 
Bomb Exploded Dynamite in the Air A Thrilling Story Gottfried Waller's Tes- 
timony An Anarchist's " Squeal" The Murder Conspiracy Made Manifest by Many 
Witnesses 404 



" We are Peaceable " Capt. Ward's Memories of the Massacre A Nest 
of Anarchists Scenes in the Court Seliger's Revelations Lingg, the Bomb-maker 

How he cast his Shells A Dynamite Romance Inside History of the Conspiracy 

The Shadow of the Gallows Mrs. Seliger and the Anarchists Tightening the 
Coils An Explosive Arsenal The Schnaubelt Blunder Harry Wilkinson and Spies 

A Threat in Toothpicks The Bomb Factory The Board of Trade Demon- 
stration 419 


A Pinkerton Operative's Adventures How the Leading Anarchists 
Vouched for a Detective An Interesting Scene An Enemy in the Camp Getting 
into the Armed Group No. i6's Experience Paul Hull and the Dynamite Bomb 
A Safe Corner Where the Bullets were Thick A Revolver Tattoo ' ' Shoot the 
Devils" A Reformed Internationalist, 445 


Reporting under Difficulties Shorthand in an Overcoat Pocket An 
Incriminating Conversation Spies and Schwab in Danger Gilmer's Story The Man 
in the Alley Schnaubelt the Bomb-thrower Fixing the Guilt Spies Lit the Fuse 
A Searching Cross-Examination The Anarchists Alarmed Engel and the Shell 
Machine The Find at Lingg's House The Author on the Witness-stand Talks 
with the Prisoners Dynamite Experiments The False Bottom of Lingg's Trunk 
The Material in the Shells Expert Testimony Incendiary Banners The Prose- 
cution Rests A Fruitless Attempt to have Neebe Discharged 457 


The Programme of the Defense Mayor Harrison's Memories Simon- 
son's Story A Graphic Account A Bird's-eye View of Dynamite Ferguson and the 
Bomb " As Big as a Base Ball" The Defense Theory oi. the Riot Claiming the 
Police were the Aggressors Dr. Taylor and the Bullet-marks The Attack on Gil- 
mer's Veracity Varying Testimony The Witnesses who Appeared, .... 478 


Malkoffs Testimony A Nihilist's Correspondence More about the 
Wagon Spies' Brother A Witness who Contradicts Himself Printing the Revenge 
Circular Lizzie Holmes' Inflammatory Essay " Have You a Match About You? " 
The Prisoner Fielden Takes the Stand An Anarchist's Autobiography The Red Flag 
the Symbol of Freedom The " Peaceable " Meeting Fielden's Opinion of the Alarm 

" Throttling the Law " Expecting Arrest More about Gilmer 491 


The Close of the Defense Working on the Jury The Man who Threw 
the Bomb Conflicting Testimony Michael Schwab on the Stand An Agitator's 
Adventures Spies in his Own Defense The Fight at McCormick's The Desplaines 
Street Wagon Bombs and Beer The Wilkinson Interview The -Weapon of the 
Future Spies the Reporter's Friend Bad Treatment by Ebersold The Hocking 
Valley Letter Albert R. Parsons in his Own Behalf His Memories of the Hay- 
market The Evidence in Rebuttal 506 



Opening of the Argument Mr. Walker's Speech The Law of the Case 
Was there a Conspiracy? The Caliber of the Bullets Tightening the Chain A 
Propaganda on the Witness-stand The Eight-hour Movement "One Single Bomb" 
The Cry of the Revolutionist Avoiding the Mouse-trap Parsons and the Murder 

Studying "Revolutionary War" Lingg and his Bomb Factory The Alibi 
Idea, 525 


The Argument for the Defendants " Newspaper Evidence " Bringing 
about the Social Revolution Arson and Murder The Right to Property Evolution 
or Revolution Dynamite as an Argument The Arsenal at 107 Fifth Avenue Was it all 
Braggadocio? An Open Conspiracy Secrets that were not Secrets The Case 
Against the State's Attorney A Good Word for Lingg More About " Ruhe " The 
"Alleged " Conspiracy Ingham's Answer The Freiheit Articles Lord Coleridge on 
Anarchy Did Fielden Shoot at the Police? The Bombs in the Seliger Family 
Circumstantial Evidence in Metal Chemical Analysis of the Czar Bomb The Crane's 
Alley -Enigma 535 


Foster and Black before the Jury Making Anarchist History The Eight 
Leaders A Skillful Defense Alibis All Around The Whereabouts of the Conspira- 
tors The ' ' Peaceable Dispersion " A Miscarriage of Revolutionary War Average 
Anarchist Credibility "A Man will Lie to Save his Life" The Attack on Seliger 
The Candy-man and the Bomb-thrower Conflicting Testimony A Philippic against 
Gilmer The Liars of History The Search for a Witness The Man with the Miss- 
ing Link The Last Word for the Prisoners Captain Black's Theory High Explo- 
sives and Civilization The West Lake Street Meeting Defensive Armament Engel 
and his Beer Hiding the Bombs The Right of Revolution Bonfield and Harrison 
The Socialist of Judea 545 


Grinnell's Closing Argument One Step from Republicanism to Anarchy 

A Fair Trial The Law in the Case The Detective Work Gilmer and his Evi- 
dence "We Knew all the Facts" Treason and Murder Arming the Anarchists 
The Toy Shop Purchases The Pinkerton Reports "A Lot of Snakes" The Mean- 
ing of the Black Flag Symbols of the Social Revolution The Daily News Inter- 
views Spies the " Second Washington " The Rights of "Scabs" The Chase Into 
the River Inflaming the Workingmen The "Revenge" Lie The Meeting at the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung Office A Curious Fact about the Speakers at the Haymarket The 
Invitation to Spies Balthasar Rau and the Prisoners Harrison at the Haymarket 
The Significance of Fielden's Wound Witnesses' Inconsistencies The Omnipresent 
Parsons The Meaning of the Manuscript Find Standing between the Living and 
the Dead, 560 


The Instructions to the Jury What Murder is Free Speech and its 
Abuse The Theory of Conspiracy Value of Circumstantial Evidence Meaning of 


a " Reasonable Doubt" What a Jury May Decide Waiting for the Verdict " Guilty 
of Murder " The Death Penalty Adjudged Neebe's Good Luck Motion for a New 
Trial Affidavits about the Jury The Motion Overruled -57^ 


The Last Scene in Court Reasons Against the Death Sentence Spies' 
Speech A Heinous Conspiracy to Commit Murder Death for the Truth The Anar- 
chists' Final Defense Dying for Labor The Conflict of the Classes Not Guilty, but 
Scapegoats Michael Schwab's Appeal The Curse of Labor-saving Machinery 
Neebe Finds Out what Law Is "I am Sorry I am not to be Hung " Adolph Fischer's 
Last Words Louis Lingg in his own Behalf "Convicted, not of Murder, but of An- 
archy " An Attack on the Police "I Despise your Order, your Laws, your Force- 
propped Authority. Hang me for it ! " George Engel's Unconcern The Development 
of Anarchy "I Hate and Combat, not the Individual Capitalist, but the System "- 
Samuel Fielden and the Haymarket An Illegal Arrest The Defense of Albert R. 
Parsons The History of his Life A Long and Thrilling Speech The Sentence of 
Death " Remove the Prisoners," 5^7 


In the Supreme Court A Superseded* Secured Justice Magruder De- 
livers the Opinion A Comprehensive Statement of the Case How Degan was Mur- 
dered Who Killed Him ? The Law of Accessory The Meaning of the Statute 
Were the Defendants Accessories ? The Questions at Issue The Characteristics of 
the Bomb Fastening the Guilt on Lingg The Purposes of the Conspiracy How 
they were Proved A Damning Array of Evidence Examining the Instructions 
No Error Found in the Trial Court's Work The Objection to the Jury The Juror 
Sandford Judge Gary Sustained Mr. Justice Mulkey's Remarks The Law Vindi- 
cated 608 


The Last Legal Struggle The Need of Money -- Expensive Counsel 
Secured Work of the "Defense Committee" Pardon, the Only Hope Pleas for 
Mercy to Gov. Oglesby Curious Changes of Sentiment Spies' Remarkable Offer 
Lingg's Horrible Death Bombs in- the Starch-box An Accidental Discovery My 
own Theory Description of the "Suicide Bombs" Meaning of the Short Fuse 
"Count Four and Throw " Details of Lingg's Self-murder A Human Wreck The 
Bloody Record in the Cell The Governor's Decision Fielden and Schwab Taken to 
the Penitentiary 620 


'The Last Hours of the Doomed Men Planning a Rescue The Fueling 
in Chicago Police Precautions Looking for a Leak Vitriol for a Detective 
Guarding the Jail The Dread of Dynamite How the Anarchists Passed their Last 
Night The Final Partings Parsons Sings " Annie Laurie " Putting up the Gallows 

Scenes Outside the Prison A Cordon of Officers Mrs. Parsons Makes a Scene 
The Death Warrants -> Courage of the Condemned Shackled and Shrouded for the 
Grave The March to the Scaffold Under the Dangling Ropes The Last Words 
" Hoch die Anarcnie ! " " My Silence will be More Terrible than Speech " " Let the 
Voice of the People be Heard " - The Chute to Death Preparations for the Funeral 

Scenes at the Homes of the Dt-ad Anarchists The Passage to Waldheim Howell 


Trogden Carries the American Flag Captain Black's Eulogy The Burial Speeches 
by Grottkau and Currlin Was Engel Sincere ? His Advice to his Daughter A Curi- 
ous Episode Adolph Fischer and his Death-watch 639 


Anarchy Now The Fund for the Condemned Men's Families $10,000 
Subscribed The Disposition of the Money The Festival of Sorrow Parsons' Post- 
humous Letter The Haymarket Monument Present Strength of the Discontented 
7,300 Revolutionists in Chicago A Nucleus of Desperate Men The New Organization 
Building Societies and Sunday-schools What the Children are Taught Education 
and Blasphemy The Secret Propaganda Bodendick and his Adventures "The 
Rebel Vagabond" The Plot to Murder Grinnell, Gary and Bonfield Arrest of the 
Conspirators Hronek, Capek, Sevic and Chleboun Chleboun's Story Hronek Sent 
to the Penitentiary, 657 


The Movement in Europe Present Plans of the Reds Stringent Meas- 
ures Adopted by Various European Governments Bebel and Liebknecht A London 
Celebration Whitechapel Outcasts "Blood, Blood, Blood ! " Verestchagin's Views 
The Bulwarks of Society The Condition of Anarchy in New York, Philadelphia, 
Pittsburg, Cincinnati, St. Louis and other American Cities A New Era of Revolution- 
ary Activity A Fight to the Death Are we Prepared ? 682 





The Beginning of Anarchy The German School of Discontent The 
Socialist Future The Asylum in London Birth of a Word Work of the French 
Revolution The Conspiracy of Babeuf Etienne Cabet's Experiment The Colony 
in the United States Settled at Nauvoo Fourier and his System The Familistere 
at Guise Louis Blanc and the National Work-shops Proudhon, the Founder of 
French Anarchy German Socialism: Its Rise and Development Rodbertus and his 
Followers "Capital," by Karl Marx The "Bible of the Socialists" The Red 
Internationale Bakounine and his Expulsion from the Society The New Conspiracy 
Ferdinand Lassalle and the Social Democrats The Birth of a Great Movement 
Growth of Discontent Leaders after Lassalle The Central Idea of the Revolt 
American Methods and the Police Position. 

THE conspiracy which culminated in the blaze of dynamite and the 
groans of murdered policemen on that fatal night of May 4th, 1886, 
had its origin far away from Chicago, and under a social system very dif- 
ferent from ours. 

In order that the reader may understand the tragedy, it will be necessary 
for me to go back to the commencement of the agitation, and to show how 
Anarchy in this city is the direct development of the social revolt in Europe. 
After "the red fool fury of the French" had burnt itself out, the nations of 
the Old Word, exhausted by the Titanic struggle with Napoleon, lay quiet 


for nearly a quarter of a century. The doctrines which had brought on the 
Reign of Terror had not died. After a period of quiet, the evangel of the 
Social Revolution again began. There was uneasiness throughout Europe. 
In France the Bourbons were driven out, although the cause of the people 
was betrayed by Louis Napoleon. In Germany the demand for a constitu- 
tion was pushed so strongly that even the sturdy Hohenzollerns had to 
give way before it. In Hungary there was a popular ferment. Poland was 
ready for a new rising against Russia. In Russia the movement which 
subsequently came to be known as Nihilism was born. In Italy Garibaldi 
and Mazzini were laying the foundations for the throne which the house of 
Savoy built upon the work of the secret societies. 

Nor must the reader believe that all this turmoil had not beneath it real 
grievances and honest causes. The peasantry and the laboring classes of 
Europe had been oppressed and plundered for centuries. The common 
people were just beginning to learn their power, and, while the excesses 
into which they were led were deplorable, it is not difficult to understand 
the causes which made the crisis inevitable. 




There is nothing ever lost by endeavoring to enter fairly and impartially 
into another's position by trying to understand the reasons which move 
men, and the creeds which sway them. Anarchy as a theory is as old as the 
school men of the middle ages. It was gravely debated in the monasteries, 
and supported by learned casuists five centuries ago. As a practice it was 
first taught in France, and later in Germany. It caught the unthinking, 
impressible throng as the proper protest against too much government and 
wrong government. It was ably argued by leaders capable of better things, 
men who turned great talents toward the destruction of society instead of 

its upbuilding, and the fruit of their 
teachings we have with us in Chicago 

Our Anarchy is of the German 
school, which is more nearly akin to 
Nihilism than to the doctrines taught 
in France. It is founded upon the teach- 
ings of Karl Marx and his disciples, 
and it aims directly at the complete 
destruction of all forms of government 
and religion. It offers no solution of 
the problems which will arise when 
society, as we understand it, shall dis- 
appear, but contents itself with declar- 


ing that the duty at hand is tearing down ; that the work of building up 
must come later. There are several reasons why the revolutionary pro- 
gramme stops short at the work of Anarchy, chief among which is the fact 
that there are as many panaceas for the future as there are revolutionists, 
and it would be a hopeless task to think of binding them all to one platform 
of construction. The Anarchists are all agreed that the present system 
must go, and so far they can work together ; after that each will take his 
own path into Utopia. 

Their dream of the future is accordingly as many-colored as Joseph's 
coat. Each man has his own ideal. Engels, who is Karl Marx's successor 
in the leadership of the movement, 
believes that men will associate 
themselves into organizations like 
cooperative societies for mutual 
protection, support and improve- 
ment, and that these will be the 
only units in the country of a social 
nature. There will be no law, no 
church, no capital, no anything that 
we regard as necessary to the life 
of a nation. 

The theory of Anarchy will, 
however, be sufficiently developed 
in the pages that follow. It is its 
history as a school which must first 
be examined. 

England is really responsible 
for much of the present strength 
of the conspiracy against all gov- 
ernments, for it was in the secure 
asylum of London that speculative 
Arnarchy was thought out by German exiles for German use, and from 
London that the "red Internationale" was and probably is directed. This 
was the result of political scheming, for the fomenting of discontent on the 
continent has always been one of the weapons in the British armory. 

In England itself the movement has only lately won any prominence, 
although it was in England that it was baptized " Socialism " by Robert 
Owen, in 1835, a name which was afterwards taken up both in France and 
Germany. The English development is hardly worth consideration in as 
brief a presentation of the subject as I shall be able to give. Before pass- 
ing to an investigation of the growth and the history of Socialism and 
Anarchy, I wish to express here, once for all, my obligations to Prof. 
Richard T. Ely's most excellent history of " French and German Socialism 




in Modern Times." This monograph, like everything else which has come 
from the pen of this gifted young economist, contains so clear a state- 
ment and so complete a marshaling of the fa'cts that it is not necessary 
to go beyond it for the story of continental discontent. 

The French Revolution drew a broad red line across the world's history. 
It is the most momentous fact in the annals of modern times. There is 
no need for us to go behind it, or to examine its causes. We can take it 
as a fact as the great revolt of the common people and push on to the 
things that followed it. 

Babeuf " Gracchus " Babeuf, as he called himself after serving part 

of a term in prison for for- 
gery, escaped, went to Paris 
in the heat of the Revolution, 
and started The Tribune of 
the People, the first Social- 
istic paper ever published. 
He was too incendiary even 
for Robespierre, and was im- 
prisoned in 1795. In prison 
he formed the famous " Con- 
spiracy of Babeuf," which 
was to establish the Com- 
munistic republic. For this 
conspiracy he and Darth6 
were beheaded May 24, 1797. 
Efcienne Cabet was a So- 
cialist before the term was 
invented, but he was a peace- 
ful and honest one. He pub- 
lished, in 1842, his "Travels 
in Icaria," describing an ideal state. Like most political reformers, he chose 
the United States as the best place to try his experiment upon. It is a curi- 
ous fact that there is not a nation in Europe, however much of a failure it 
may have made of all those things that go to make up rational liberty, which 
does not feel itself competent to tell us just what we ought to do, instead 
of what we are doing. Cabet secured a grant of land on the Red River in 
Texas just after the Mexican War, and a colony of Icarians came out. 
They took the yellow fever and were dispersed before Cabet came with the 
second part of the colony. About this time the Mormons left Nauvoo in 
Illinois, and the Icarians came to take their places. The colony has since 
established itself at Grinnell, Iowa, and a branch is at San Bernardino, 
California. The Nauvoo settlement has, I believe, been abandoned. 

Babeuf and Cabet prepared the way for Saint Simon. He was a 




count, and a lineal descendant of Charlemagne. He fought in our War of 
the Revolution under Washington, and passed its concluding years in a 
British prison. He preached nearly the modern Socialism, the revolt of 
the proletariat against property, and his work has indelibly impressed 
itself upon the whole movement in France. 

Charles Fourier, born in 1772, was the son of a grocer in Besancon, and 
he was a man who exercised great influence upon the movement among 
the French. He was rather a dreamer than a man of action, and, although 
attempts have been made to carry his familistere into practice, there is no 
conspicuous success to record, save, perhaps, that of the familistere at Guise, 
in France, which has been 
conducted for a long time 
on the principles laid 
down by Fourier. 

All these men had be- 
fore them concrete 
schemes for a new society 
in which the evils of the 
present system would be 
avoided by what they con- 
sidered a more equable 
division of wealth, and 
each made the effort to 
carry his scheme from 
theory into practice, so 
that the world might see 
the success and imitate 
it. Following them came 
the men who held that, 
before the new society 
can be formed, the old 
society must be got rid of the men who see but one way towards So- 
cialism, and that through Anarchy. 

Louis Blanc was the first of these, although he would not have described 
himself as an Anarchist, nor would it be fair to call him one. He repre- 
sented the transition stage. He attempted political reforms of a most 
sweeping character during the revolution of 1848. The government of 
the day established " national work-shops " as a concession to him. Of 
these more is said hereafter. 

Pierre Joseph Proudhon, born in Besancon July 15, 1809, is really the 
father of French Anarchy. His great work, "What Is Property?" was 
published in 1840, and he declared that property was theft and property- 
holders thieves. It is to this epoch-making work that the whole school 



of modern Anarchy, in any of its departments, may be traced. Proudhon 
was fired by an actual hatred of the rich. He describes a proprietor as 
"essentially a libidinous animal, without virtue and without shame." The 
importance of his work is shown by the effect it has had even upon orthodox 
political economy, while on the other side it has been the inspiration of 
Karl Marx. Proudhon died in Passy in 1865. 

Since his time until within the last year or two, French Socialism has 
been but a reflex of the German school. It has produced no first-rates, 
and has been content to take its doctrine from Lassalle. Karl Marx and 
Engels, the leaders of the German movement, and Bakounine and Prince 
Krapotkin, the Russian terrorists, have impressed their ideas deeply upon 
the French discontented ones. The revolt of the Commune of Paris after 
the Franco-German war was not exactly an Anarchist uprising, although the 
Anarchists impressed their ideas upon much of the work done. The Com- 
mune of Paris means very much the same as "the people of Illinois." It 
is the legal designation of the commonwealth, and does not imply Com- 
munism any more than the word commonwealth does. It was a fight for 
the autonomy of Paris, and one in which many people were engaged who 
had no sympathy with Anarchy, although certainly the lawless element 
finally obtained complete control of the situation. The rising in Lyons 
several years later was distinctly and wholly anarchic, and it was for this 
that Prince Krapotkin and others were sent to prison. 

At the present day there is no practical distinction between Socialism 
and Anarchy in France. All Socialists are Anarchists as a first step, 
although all Anarchists are not precisely Socialists. They look to the 
Russian Nihilists and the German irreconcilables as their leaders. 

German Socialism is really the doctrine which fe- now taught all over 
the world, and it was this teaching that led directly to the Haymarket 
massacre in Chicago. It began with Karl Rodbertus, who lived from 1805 
to 1875. He first became prominent in Germany in 1848, and he was for 
some time Minister of Education and Public Worship in Prussia. He was 
a theorist rather than a practical reformer, but competent critics assign to 
him the very highest rank as a political economist. His first work was 
"Our Economic Condition," which was published in 1843, and his other 
books, which he published up to within a short time of his death, were 
simply elucidations of the principles he had first laid down. His writings 
have had a greater effect on modern Socialism than those of any other 
thinker, not even excepting Karl Marx or Lassalle. His theories were 
brought to a practical issue by Marx, who united into a compact whole 
the teachings of Proudhon and of Rodbertus, his own genius giving a new 
luster and a new value to the result. Marx is far and away the greatest 
man that the Socialism of the nineteenth century has produced. He was a 
deep student, a man of most formidable mental power, eloquent, persua- 


sive, and honest. His great book, " Capital." has been called the Socialist's 
Bible. Ely places it in the very first rank, saying of it that it is " among the 
ablest political economic treatises ever written." And while the best 
scientific thought of the age agrees that Marx was mistaken in his pre- 
mises and his fundamental propositions, there, is accorded to him upon 
every hand the tribute which profound learning pays to hard work and deep 

Coming from theory to practice brings us naturally from Marx to the 
International Society. It was founded in London in 1864 and was meant 
to include the whole of the labor class of Christendom. Marx was the 
chief, but he held the sovereignty uneasily. The Anarchists constantly 
antagonized him. Bakounine, the apostle of dynamite, opposed Marx at 
every point, and finally Marx had him expelled from the society. Bakounine 
thereupon formed a new Internationale, based upon anarchic principles 
and the gospel of force. The Internationale of which Marx was the founder 
has shrunk to a mere name, although the organization is still kept up, and 
the body with which the civilized world has now to reckon is that which 
Bakounine formed after his expulsion from the old body in 1872. It is a 
curious fact that many of the Socialists in Chicago to-day are enthusiastic 
admirers of Marx and at the same time members of the society and fol- 
lowers of the man Marx declared to be the most dangerous enemy of the 
modern workingman. 

Marx is dead, however ; many things are said in his name of which he 
himself would never have approved, and the " Red Internationale " pro- 
claims the man a saint who refused either to indorse its principles or to 
consult with its leaders. It is the same as though, twenty years hence, 
the men who last year followed Barry out of the Knights of Labor were 
to hold up Powderly to the world as their law-giver and their chief. 

Louise Michel, who was a very active worker in the radical cause during 
the outbreak of the Paris Commune, was born in 1830, and first attracted 
attention by verses full of force which she published very early in life. She 
was sentenced in 1871 to deportation for life, and was transported with 
others to New Caledonia. At the time of the general amnesty, in 1880, she 
returned to Paris, and became editor of La Revolution Sociale. 

Ferdinand Lassalle, like Marx of Hebrew blood, and of early aristo- 
cratic prejudices, was the father of German Anarchy as it exists to-day. 
He was a deep student, and a remarkably able man. He took his inspira- 
tion from Rodbertus and from Marx, but applied himself more to work 
among the poor. Marx was over the heads of the common people. His 
"Capital" is very hard reading. Lassalle popularized its teachings. On 
May 23, 1863, a few men met at Leipsic under the leadership of Lassalle 
and formed the " Universal German Laborers' Union." This was the 
foundation of Social Democracy, and its teachings were wholly anarchic. 

2 4 


It aimed at the subversion of the whole German social system, by peace- 
ful political means at first, but soon by force. 

Lassalle was shortly afterwards killed in a duel over a love-affair, but 
he was canonized by the German Social Democrats as though his death 
were a martyrdom. Even Bismarck in the Reichstag paid a tribute to his 
memory. Lassalle died just about the time that a change was occurring in 
his convictions, and had he lived longer, and if contemporary history is to 
be believed, he would have taken office under the German Government and 
applied himself heartily to the building up of the Empire. 

After Lassalle's death the movement which he had initiated went forward 
with increased force. The German laborer was finally, as the International- 
ists put it, aroused. The German 
Empire, following the example of 
the Bund, decreed universal suf- 
frage in 1871. Before this, in 
Prussia especially, the laborer had 
but the smallest political influ- 
ence. The vote of a man in the 
wealthiest class in Berlin counted 
for as much as the vote of fifteen 
of the "proletariat," so called. 
Lassalle died in 1864, and suf- 
frage was first granted in 1867. 
The Social Democrats at first 
were in close accord with Bis- 
marck. It was the Social Demo- 
cratic vote^ which elected Bis- 
marck to the Reichstag in the 
first election after the suffrage 
was granted. In the fall of 18^7 
they sent eight members to the 
parliament of the Bund. In the 
elections after the formation of 
the Empire the Socialistic vote stood: In 1871, 123,975; * n l8 74> 351,952; 
in 1877,493,288; in 1878,437,158. The Social Democrats poll nearly 10 
per cent of the whole vote of Germany at the present time. 

In 1878 occurred the two attempts on the life of the Emperor of Germany 
described in a succeeding chapter, and the result was severe repressive 
measures against the Social Democrats. Their vote fell off, and their 
influence declined, but in the past two years, 1887 and 1888, they nave more 
than recovered their past strength, and they now poll more votes and 
seem to exercise a greater political control in Germany than ever before. 
The passage of the " Ausnahmsgesetz," the exceptional law against 



German Socialists, drove many of them to this country, but had no effect 
in diminishing the propaganda in Germany. The result was an exodus 
of Socialists, or rather Anarchists, to America by this time the two terms, 
wide apart as they may seem, had become one and to Chicago came 
most of the irreconcil- 

able ones. The Amer- 
ican sympathizers, thus 
formed, at first fixed 
their attention upon the 
political situation in the 
old country, and they 
applied themselves 
closely to work in con- 
nection with the agita- 
tors who had not expa- 
triated themselves. 
Money was sent in large 
quantities to the old 

In Germany, in the 
meantime, the move- 
ment varied and shifted 
with each wind of doc- 
trine ; one president after 
another was tried and 
found wanting, until at 
last Jean von Schweitzer 
was chosen, and he 
guided the party until it 
was finally swallowed up 
in the organization per- 
fected by Liebknecht and 
Bebel. Liebknecht was 

really but an interpreter FERDINAND LASSALLE 

of Marx, but he was honest, enthusiastic and devoted, and no man in 
the whole line of German political energy has left his name more 
thoroughly impressed upon the time. Out of these conditions and 
born of these ideas came the Anarchy which hurled the bomb whose 
crash at the Haymarket Square first aroused us to the work which is being 
done in our midst. 

The Anarchists of Chicago are exotics. Discontent here is a German 
plant transferred from Berlin and Leipsic and thriving to flourish in the 
west. In our garden it is a weed to be plucked out by the roots and 


destroyed, for our conditions neither warrant its growth nor excuse its 

The central idea of all Socialistic and Anarchic systems is the interfer- 
ence with the right of property by society. If we can convince ourselves that 
society has the right and the duty thus to interfere, then there is to be said 
nothing more. As long as the American citizen can buy his own land and 
raise his own crops, as long as average industry and economy will lead a 
man to competence, Socialism can only be like typhus fever a growth of 
the city slums. There is no real danger in it. There is no peril which 
those charged with the protection of law and order are not ready to 
face, for every officer of the law that unreasonable discontent may 
menace is backed by the whole power of the republic ; and the republic 
is founded upon principles which this alien revolt can neither harm nor 

There is a fact which, before I leave this chapter, I wish to bring home 
to the mind of every reader, and that is this : 

The police of Chicago, like the police of every city in the Union, are 
actuated by no feeling of hostility to these people. We understand the 
genesis of their movement ; we can put ourselves in their places and feel 
the things which actuate them ; we are prepared to make as many excuses 
for them as they can make for themselves ; we are ready to grant every- 
thing that they could claim, and more ; but we see beyond this, and above 
this, facts which they forget and forego. 

We have a government in these United States so firm and so elastic 
that it has every bulwark against either foreign or domestic attack, and yet 
it provides every opportunity to adjust itself to the will of the people. 

The majority must rule, and does rule ; but fmder our Constitution it 
rules only along lines decreed by the fathers long ago for the protection of 
the minority. There is a legal and constitutional means provided for every 
man to carry his theories of good government into actual practice. Every 
citizen has the right to vote, and to have his vote counted, and this right 
belongs to Anarchist and conservative, to radical and reactionist. There 
is no man can stand before the American people and say we have refused 
him his right : if it were done, the whole power of the Government would 
be marshaled to do him justice. When, then, we have provided every 
man with a means to impress his convictions upon the government of the 
country when we have done everything that human ingenuity can do to 
secure a full and free expression of the popular will, as the final and 
supreme test upon every public question, we may be excused for refusing 
to let the Anarchists have their way. They are a minority of a minority, 
yet they would impose their system and their doctrine upon the majority^ 
They would substitute for the ballot-box the dynamite bomb for the will 
of the people the will of a contemptible rabble of discontents, un-Ameri- 


can in birth, training, education and idea, few in numbers and ridiculous in 

Thus, while the police entertain no animosity against these men, we 
feel I feel and every officer under my command feels that we are bound 
by our oaths and by our loyalty to the State and to society to meet force 
with force, and cunning with cunning. We are the conservators of the law 
and the preservers of the peace, and the law will be vindicated and the 
peace preserved in spite of any and all attacks. 

\i our system is wrong, which I do not believe ; if the principle that the 
majority of the citizens is to be ruled by an alien minority is to be ac- 
cepted, which I do not accept, still there is the orderly and well-protected 
means provided by law, and guaranteed by the Government, to transform 
that idea into a governing fact. There is the ballot, free to every citizen, 
safe, satisfying, final. The men who try other methods are rushing to their 
own destruction. We pity them, we sympathize with them ; but our duty 
is clear and manifest. We have a government worth fighting for, and evpn 
worth dying for, and the police feel that truth as keenly as any class in the 


Dynamite in Politics Historical Assassinations Infernal Machines in 
France The Inventor of Dynamite M. Nobel and his Ideas The Nitro-Compounds 

How Dynamite is Made The New French Explosive ' ' Black Jelly " and the Nihil- 
ists What the Nihilists Believe and What they Want The Conditions in Russia The 
White and the Red Terrors Vera Sassoulitch Tourgeneff and the Russian Girl 
The Assassination of the Czar " It is too Soon to Thank God " The Dying Emperor 
Two Bombs Thrown Running Down The Conspirators Sophia Perowskaja, the 
Nihilist Leader The .Handkerchief Signal The Murder Roll Tried and Convicted 

A Brutal Execution Five Nihilists Pay the Penalty Last Words Spoken but Un- 
heard A Deafening Tattoo The Book-bomb and the Present Czar Strychnine- 
coated Bullets St. Peter and Paul's Fortress Dynamite Outrages in England The 
Record of Crime Twenty-nine Convicts and their Offenses Ingenious Bomb-making 

* -> The Failures of Dynamite. 

THE attempt to gain political ends by an appeal to infernal machines 
is not a new one. It is as old as gunpowder and the evangel of 
assassination is older still. Murder was the recognized political weapon 
of the Eastern and Western Empires, and the Chicago Anarchists have 
proved themselves neither better nor worse than the "old man of the 
mountain " or the Italian princes of the middle ages. During the reign of 
Mary Queen of Scots the mysterious explosion occurred in the Kirk of Feld 
in which Darnley lost his life. Somewhat later was the "gunpowder plot," 
in which Guy Fawkes and his fellow conspirators tried to blow up the Houses 
of Parliament. The petard and the hand-grenade were the grandfather and 
the grandmother of the modern bomb, and murderous invention came to its 
new phase in the infernal machine which Ceruchi, Jhe Italian sculptor, con- 
trived to kill Napoleon when First Consul a catastrophe which was avoided 
by the fact that Napoleon's coachman was drunk and took the wrong turn in 
going to the opera-house. 

France was fertile in this sort of machinery. Some years later Fieschi, 
Morey and Pepin tried to kill Louis Philippe with a similar apparatus on the 
Boulevard de Temple. The King escaped, but the brave Marshal Mortier was 
slain. Orsini and Pieri made a bomb, round and bristling with nippers, 
each of which was charged with fulminate of mercury, to explode the powder 
within, meaning to assassinate the Emperor Napoleon and the Empress 

In the year 1866, according to the most trustworthy authorities, dynamite 
was first made by Alfred Nobel. In speaking of the invention, Adolf Hous- 
saye, the French litterateur, recently said : 

It should be remembered that nine-tenths, probably, of the dynamite made is used in 
peaceful pursuits ; in mining, and similar works. Indeed, since its invention great engineer- 
ing achievements have been accomplished which would have been entirely impossible without 
it. I do not see, then, much room for doubt that it has on the whole been a great blessing 


to humanity. Such certainly its inventor regards it. " If I did not look upon it as such," I 
heard him say recently, " I should close up all my manufactories and not make another ounce 
of the stuff." He is a strong advocate of peace, and regards with the utmost horror the use 
of dynamite by assassins and political conspirators. When the news of the Haymarket trag- 
edy in Chicago reached him, M. Nobel was in Paris, and I well remember his expressions of 
horror and detestation at the cowardly crime. 

"Look you," he exclaimed. " I am a man of peace. But when I see these miscreants 
misusing my invention, do you know how it makes me feel? It makes me feel like gathering 
the whole crowd of them into a storehouse full of dynamite and blowing them all up to- 
gether ! " 

Few people know what dynamite is, though it has attracted a good deal 
of attention of late, and before considering its use as a mode for political 
murder it may be well here to give an account of its making. 

Nitro-glycerine, although not the strongest explosive known to science, 
is the only one of any industrial importance, as the others are too dangerous 
for manufacture. It was discovered by Salvero, an Italian chemist, in 1845. 
It is composed of glycerine and nitric acid compounded together in a certain 
proportion, and at a certain temperature. It is very unsafe to handle, and 
to this reason is to be .ascribed the invention of dynamite, which is, after all, 
merely a sort of earth and nitro-glycerine, the use of the earth being to hold 
the explosive safely as a piece of blotting-paper would hold water until it 
was needed. Nobel first tried kieselguhr, or flint froth, which was groimd 
to a powder, heated thoroughly and dried, and the nitro-glycerine was 
kneaded into it like so much dough. Of course, many other substances are 
now used, besides infusorial earth, as vehicles for the explosive saw- 
dust, rotten-stone, charcoal, plaster of Paris, black powder, etc., etc. These 
are all forms of dynamite or giant powder, and mean the same thing. 
When the substance is thoroughly kneaded, work that must be done with 
the hands, it is molded into sticks somewhat like big candles, and wrapped 
in parchment paper. Nitro-glycerine has a sweet, aromatic, pungent taste, 
and the peculiar property of causing ' a violent headache when placed 
on the tongue or the wrist. It freezes at 40 Fahrenheit, and must 
be melted by the application of water at a temperature of 100. In 
dynamite the usual proportions are 25 per cent, of earth and 75 per cent, of 
nitro-glycerine. The explosive is fired by fulminate of silver or mercury 
in copper caps. 

Outside of the French arsenals it is to be doubted if anybody knows 
anything more about the new explosive, melinite, further than that it is one of 
the compounds of picric acid and picric acid is a more frightful explosive 
than nitro-glycerine. I find in my scrap-book the following excerpt from the 
London Standard, describing the artillery experiments at Lydd with the new 
explosive which the British Admiralty has lately been examining. The 
Standard, after declaring that the experiments are " entirely satisfactory, " 
says : 


The character of the compound employed is said to be " akin to melinite, " but its precise 
nature is not divulged. We have reason to believe that the "kinship" is very close. The 
details of the experiments which have lately been conducted at Lydd are known to very few 
individuals. But it is unquestionable that the results were such as demonstrate the enor- 
mous advantage to be gained by using a more powerful class of explosives than that which 
has been hitherto employed. There could be no mistake as to the destructive energy of the 
projectiles. Neither was there any mishap in the use of these terrible appliances. The like 
immunity was enjoyed at Portsmouth. A deterrent to the adoption of violent explosives for 
war purposes has consisted in the risk of premature explosion. But there is still the con- 
sideration that the advantage to be gained far exceeds the risk which has to be incurred. 
France has not neglected this question, and she is ahead of us. Her chosen explosive is 
melinite, and with this she has armed herself to an extent of which the British public has no 
conception. All the requisite materials, in the shape of steel projectiles and the melinite for 
filling them, have been provided for the French service and distributed so as to furnish a 
complete supply for the army and the navy. Whatever may be said as to the danger which 
besets the use of melinite, the French authorities are confident that they have mastered the 
problem of making this powerful compound subservient to the purposes of war. Concerning 
the composition of this explosive great secrecy is observed by the French Government, as 
also with regard to the experiments that are made with it. But Col. Majendie states that 
melinite is largely composed of picric acid in a fused or consolidated condition. Of the violence 
with which picric acid will explode, an example was given on the occasion of a fire at some 
chemical works near Manchester a year ago. The shock was felt over a distance of two 
miles from the seat of the explosion, and the sound was heard for a distance of twenty miles. 

The conduct of the French in committing themselves so absolutely to the use of melinite 
as a materiel of war clearly signifies that with them the use of such a substance has passed 
out of the region of doubt and experiment. Their experimental investigations extended over 
a considerable period of time, but at last the stage of inquiry gave place to one of confidence 
and assurance. So great is the confidence of the French Government in the new shell that 
it is said the French forts are henceforth to be protected by a composite material better 
adapted than iron or steel to resist the force of a projectile charged with a high explosive. In 
naval warfare the value of shells charged in this manner is likely to be more especially 
shown in connection with the rapid-fire guns which are now coming into use. The question 
is whether the ponderous staccato fire of monster ordnance may not be largely superseded 
by another mode of attack, in which a storm of shells, charged with something far more 
potent than gunpowder, will be poured forth in a constant stream from numerous guns of 
comparatively small weight and caliber. 

Combined with rapidity of fire, these shells cannot but prove formidable to an armor- 
clad, independently of any damage inflicted on the plates. The great thickness now given 
to ship armor is accomplished by a mode of concentration which, while affecting to shield 
the vital parts, leaves a large portion of the ship entirely unprotected. On the unarmored 
portion a tremendous effect will be produced by the quick-firing guns dashing their powerful 
shells in a fiery deluge on the ship. 

Altogether the new force which is now entering into the composition of artillery is one 
which demands the attention of the British Government in the form of prompt and vigorous 
action. While we are experimenting, others are arming. 

Dynamite, however, is the weapon with which the "revolution" has 
armed itself for its assault upon society. A terrible arm truly, but one 
difficult to handle, dangerous to hold, and certainly no stronger in their 
hands than in ours, if it should ever become necessary to use it in defense 
of law and order. 


A number of Russian chemists, members of the Nihilist party, were the 
first to apply dynamite to the work of murder. It is to their researches that 
is to be credited the invention of the " black jelly," so called, of which so 
much was expected, and by which so little was done. 

Nihilist activity in Russia commenced almost as soon as the emancipated 
peasantry began to be in condition for the evangel of discontent. It was 
Tourgeneff, the novelist, who baptized the movement with its name of 
Nihilism and the truth is that it is a movement rather than an organization. 
It is a loose, uncentralized, uncodified society, secret by necessity and mur- 
derous by be.lief ; but it is a secret society without grips or passwords, with- 
out a purpose save indiscriminate destruction, and its very formlessness and 
vagueness have been its chief protection from the Russian police, who are, 
perhaps, after all is said and done, the best police in the world. A state- 
ment of Nihilism by that very famous Nihilist who is known as Stepniak, 
but who is suspected to be entitled to a much more illustrious name, runs 
thus : 

By our general conviction we are Socialists and democrats. We are convinced that on 
Socialistic grounds humanity can become the embodiment of freedom, equality and frater- 
nity, while it secures for itself a general prosperity, a harmonious development of man and 
his social progress. We are convinced, moreover, that only the will of the people should 
give sanction to any social institution, and that the development of the nation is sound only 
when free and independent and when every idea in practical use shall have previously passed 
the test of national consideration and of the national will. We further think that as Social- 
ists and democrats we must first recognize an immediate purpose to liberate the nation from 
its present state of oppression by creating a political revolution. We would thus transfer the 
supreme power into the hands of the people. We think that the will of the nation should 
be expressed with perfect clearness, and best, by a National Assembly freely elected by the 
votes of all the citizens, the representatives to be carefully instructed by their constituents. 
We do not consider this as the ideal form of expressing the people's will, but as the most 
acceptable form to be realized in practice. Submitting ourselves to the will of the nation, 
we, as a party, feel bound to appear before our own country with our own programme or 
platform, which we shall propagate even before the revolution, recommend to the electors 
during electoral periods, and afterwards defend in the National Assembly. 

The Nihilist programme in Russia has been officially formulated thus : 

First The permanent Representative Assembly to have supreme control and direction in 
all general state questions. 

Second In the provinces, self-government to a large extent ; to secure it, all public func- 
tionaries to be elected. 

Third To secure the independence of the Village Commune ("Mir") as an economical 
and administrative unit. 

Fourth All the land to be proclaimed national property. 

Fifth A series of nTeasures preparatory to a final transfer of ownership in manufactures 
to the workmen. 

Sixth Perfect liberty of conscience, of the press, speech, meetings, associations and 
electoral agitation. 

Seventh The right to vote to be extended to all citizens of legal age. without class or 
property restrictions. 

Eighth Abolition of the standing army ; the army to be replaced by a territorial militia. 


It must be remembered that the conditions in Russia are peculiar. The 
country is ruled by an autocracy ; government is not by the people, but by 
"divine right." The conditions which the English-speaking people ended 
at Runnymede still exist in Muscovy. There is neither free speech, free 
assembly, nor a free press, and naturally discontent vents itself in revolt. 
There is no safety-valve. Russia is full of generous, high-minded young 
men and women, who find their church dead, and their state a cruel des- 
potism. They find themselves face to face with the White Terror, and they 
have sought in the Red Terror a relief. Flying at last from the hopeless 
contest, they have carried the hate of government born of bad ruling into 
Western Europe, and it is the infection of this poison that we have to deal 
with here. The average Russian .Nihilist is a young man or a young woman 
very often the latter who, by the contemplation of real wrongs and falla- 
cious remedies, has come to be the implacable enemy of all order and all 
system. Usually they are half-educated, with just that superficial smatter- 
ing of knowledge to make them conceited in their own opinions, but without 
enough real learning to make them either impartial critics or safe citizens of 
non-Russian countries. We can pity them, for it is easy to see how step by 
step they have been pushed into revolt. But they are dangerous. 

When one reads such a case as that which gave Vera Sassoulitch her 
notoriety, it is easier to understand Russia. General Trepoff, the Chief of 
Police of St. Petersburg, had arrested Vera's lover on suspicion of high 
treason. The young man was by Trepoff's order frequently flogged to make 
him confess his crime. Sassoulitch called on Trepoff and shot him. She 
was tried by a St. Petersburg jury and acquitted. Immediately a law was 
declared that no case of political crime should be tried by a jury, except 
when the Government had selected it. The arrest of the woman was ordered 
that she might be tried again under the iiew regulation, but in the meantime 
her friends had spirited her away. 

A very similar crime was that attempted by another Nihilist heroine, 
Maria Kaliouchnaia, who attempted to kill Col. Katauski for his severity to 
her brother. In the assassination of the Czar, as I shall relate, a number of 
women were concerned, and their bravery was greatly more desperate than 
that of their male companions. The Russian woman is peculiar. I know 
no better picture of the "devoted ones" than that given in Tourgeneff's 
"Verses in Prose": 

I see a huge building with a narrow door in its front wall ; the door is 1 open, and a dismal 
darkness stretches beyond. Before the high threshold stands a girl a Russian girl. Frost 
breathes out of the impenetrable darkness, and with the icy draught from the depths of the 
building there comes forth a slow and hollow voice : 

"Oh, thou who art wanting to cross this threshold, dost thou know what awaits thee ?" 

" I know it," answers the girl. 

"Cold, hunger, hatred, derision, contempt, insults, a fearful death even." 

" I know it." 



" Complete isolation and separation from all ? " 

" I know it. I am ready. I will bear all sorrows and miseries." 

"Not only if inflicted by enemies, but when done by kindred and friends ?" 

"Yes, even when done by them." 

" Well, are you ready for self-sacrifice ? " 


" For anonymous self-sacrifice ? You shall die, and nobody shall know even whose 
memory is to be honored ? " 

" I want neither .gratitude nor pity. I want no name." 

" Are you ready for a crime ? " 

The girl bent her head. " I am ready even for a crime." 

The voice paused awhile before renewing its interrogatories. Then again : ' ' Dost thou 
know," it said at last, " that thou mayest lose thy faith in what thou now believest ; that thou 
mayest feel that thou hast been mistaken and hast lost thy young life in vain ? " 

" I know that also, and nevertheless I will enter ! " 

" Enter, then ! " 

The girl crossed the threshold, and a heavy curtain fell behind her. 

" A fool ! " gnashed some one outside. 

" A saint ! " answered a voice from somewhere. 

With such material it was not difficult to build up the tragedy of 1881. 
Before the day of 
the Czar's death 
came, there had 
been despera te 
attempts upon 
his life. Prince Kra- 
potkin, a relative of 
the Nihilist of the 
same name, was 
murdered in Feb- 
ruary, 1879, and 
following this deed 
the terrorists ap- 
plied themselves 
resolutely to the 
removal of the Em- 



For instance, in November, 1879, was the mine laid at Moscow. It was 
intended to blow up the railway train upon which the Czar was to enter the 
city, and for this purpose Solovieff and his comrades laid three dynamite 
mines under the tracks. Hartmann, who subsequently figured in the 
assassination, was one of the leaders, and here, too, was Sophie Peroosky, 
another of the regicides. They hired a house near the railway tracks and 
tunneled under the road amidst incredible difficulties and always in the 
most imminent danger. One hundred and twenty pounds of dynamite 
Avas in position, but the Czar passed by in a common train before the im- 


perial one on which he was expected, and his life was saved. On February 
5, 1880, the mine under the Winter Palace was exploded ; eleven persons 
were killed, but again the Czar escaped. 

For some time before March 13, 1881, Gen. Count Loris Melikoff, the 
officer responsible for the safety of Czar Alexander II., had received dis- 
quieting reports which gave him the greatest anxiety. On the loth of the 
month Jelaboff, the ringleader of the conspiracy, was arrested by accident, 
and the direction of the attempt on the Czar's life was accordingly left to 
Sophie Perowskaja, a young, pretty and highly educated noblewoman, who 
had left everything to join the Nihilists. It is said that on the morning of 
the 1 3th Melikoff begged the Czar to forego his purpose of reviewing the 
Marine Corps, and keep within the palace. The Emperor laughed at him, 
and declared there was no danger. There was no incident until after the 
review. As the Emperor drove back beside the Ekaterinofsky Canal, just op- 
posite the imperial stables, a young woman on the other side of the canal 
fluttered a handkerchief, and immediately a man started out from the crowd 
that was watching the passing of the Czar, and threw a bomb under the 
closed carriage. There was a roaring explosion, a cloud of smoke. The 
rear of the vehicle was blown away, and the horror-stricken multitude saw 
the Czar standing unhurt, staring about him. On the ground were several 
members of the Life Guard, groaning and writhing in pain. The assassin had 
pulled out a revolver to complete his work, but he was at once mobbed by 
the people. Col. Dvorjitsky and Captains Kock and Kulebiekan, of the 
guards, rushed up to their master and asked him if he was hurt. 

"Thank God! no," said the Czar. "Come, let us look after the 

And he started toward one of the Cossacks. 

"It is too soon to thank God yet, Alexander Nicolaivitch," said a clear, 
threatening voice in the crowd, and before any one could stop him, a young 
man bounded forward, lifted up both arms above his head, and brought 
them down with a swing. There was a crash of dynamite, a blaze, a smoke, 
and the autocrat of all the Russias was lying on the bloody snow, with his 
murderer also dying in front of him. Col. Dvorjitsky lifted up the Czar, 
who whispered : 

"I am cold, my friend, so cold, take me to the Winter Palace to 

The desperate Nihilist had thrown his bomb right between the Czar's 
feet, and had sacrificed his own life to kill the Emperor. 

Alexander was shockingly mutilated. Both of his legs were broken, and 
the lower part of his body was frightfully torn and mangled. The assassin 
his name was Nicholas Elnikoff, of Wilna was even more badly hurt. 
He died at once. 

The Czar was taken into an open sled, and although it was claimed he 


received the last sacrament at the Winter Palace, most of those who know 

believe that he died on the way there: 

In the meantime the police, with the utmost difficulty, rescued the first 

bomb-thrower from the maddened mob. The man, whose name proved tc 

be Risakoff, coolly thanked the officers for preserving him, and then tried 

to swallow some poison 
which he had ready. In 
this he was foiled, and he 
was taken to prison. 

The infernal machine 
used by Elnikoff was about 
7^ inches in height, and 
its construction is exempli- 
fied in the annexed dia- 
gram. Metal tubes (& ff] 


From a photograph. potash, and enclosing glass 

tubes (><:) filled with sulphuric acid (commonly called oil of vitriol), 
intersect the cylinder. Around the glass tubes are rings of iron (dd} closely 
attached as weights. The construction is such that, no matter how the 
bomb falls, one of the glass tubes is sure to break. The chlorate ol 
potash in that case, combining with the sulphuric acid, ignites at once, 
and the flames communicate over the fuse (//) with the piston (e), filled 
with fulminate of silver. The concussion thus ^^ --^_ 

caused explodes the dynamite or "black jelly" 
(a) with which the cylinder is closely packed. 

I said above that Jelaboff, the real leader 
of the conspiracy, had been arrested on the 
loth. He was merely a suspect, and it was 
some time before the police realized what an 2 
important arrest had been made. Only two 
hours before the murder of the Emperor, Jela- 
boff's house was searched, and there was found a 
great quantity of black dynamite, India rubber 
tubes, fuses and other articles. Jelaboff had 
been living here with a woman who was called Lidia Voinoff. This Lidia 
Voinoff was arrested on the Newsky Prospect, on. March 22nd, and almost 
immediately identified as Sophia Perowskaja, the young woman who had 
given the handkerchief signal to the bomb-throwers, and who was wanted 
besides for the Moscow railway mine case. On the prisoner were found 
papers which led to the search of a house on Telejewskaia Street, where a 
man named Sablin committed suicide immediately on the appearance of 
the police, and a woman named Hessy Helfmann was arrested. A regular 


Nihilist arsenal of black jelly, fuses, maps of different districts of St. 
Petersburg, with the Czar's usual routes marked upon them, copies of 
papers from the secret press, etc., were found. While the police were still 
engaged in the search of the premises Timothy Mikhaeloff came in by 
accident. He was taken, and on him was found a copy of the new Czar's 
proclamation, and penciled on the back were the names of three shops with 
three different hours in the afternoon. The officers descended on these 
places and gathered in customers, shop-keepers and everybody else about 
the place, a process which brought in Kibaltchik, the .Nihilist chemist and 

The evidence was soon got in shape, and* early in April the trial began. 
It was shown that Jelaboff was agent in the third degree of the Revolutionary 
Executive Committee ; that he had issued the call for volunteers for the 
killing of the Czar, and that forty-seven persons had offered themselves, out 
of whom Risakoff, Mikhaeloff, Hessy Helfmann, Kibaltchik, Sophia Perows- 
kaja and Elnikoff had been accepted. Elnikoff was dead, but the others, 
with Jelaboff, were put in the dock. They all confessed except Hessy 
Helfmann, and upon April nth all were condemned to death, with the 
proviso needed under the Russian law that the sentence of Sophia Perows- 
kaja should be approved by the Czar, as she was a member of the class of 
nobles, and a noble may not be put to death without the Emperor's concur- 
rence. The Czar concurred, and on April i5th, at 9 a. m., all the prisoners 
save Hessy Helfmann were hung. This woman was reprieved because she 
was about to become a mother. The execution was a most brutal one. It 
took place on a plain two miles out of the city, in the presence of a hundred 
thousand people. The prisoners were taken out of the fortress on two-wheeled 
carts, surrounded by drummers and pipers, who played continuously and 
loudly, so that nothing the condemned might say could be heard by the 
crowd. At the scaffold the drummers were stationed in a hollow square 
around the gallows, and a deafening tattoo was kept up from the time the pris- 
oners were brought in until their bodies were cut down. The hanging was 
very cruel. Each person was mounted on a small box, after kissing each 
other passionately all round. They said something, but it could not be 
heard for the drumming. The executioner was said to be evidently drunk. 
There was no drop. When the signal was given the condemned were 
pushed off their boxes and left to strangle. Mikhaeloff's rope broke twice, 
and the attendants held him up while the excecutioner tied a new cord around 
his neck and over the beam. The bodies were buried privately. 

The present Czar has had several narrow escapes, none of them more 
nearly fatal than the conspiracy of the book-bomb in March last. On the 
1 3th of March, 1888, the anniversary of his father's terrible death, the Czar 
made the usual visit to the Cathedral of St. Peter and Paul, where the body 
of Alexander II. is buried. For some time before the ceremony St. Peters- 


burg was full of rumors that a catastrophe was impending, and, although 
the police took the most careful precautions, the Czar himself paid no atten- 
tion to the warnings of the " Third Section," and would permit no alteration 
in the preparations for the requiem. 

In Christmas week of 1887, the Russian agents at Geneva, in Switzer- 
land, reported the presence in that city of two revolutionary agents who 
seemed to have the closest relations with the committee of the discontents 
in London and Paris. They were shadowed for a time, but lost. In Feb- 
ruary they reappeared in Berlin. They were known to be in communication 
with the St. Petersburg Nihilists. Before facts enough had accumulated to 
justify their arrest they disappeared once more and were believed to have 

I. Risakoff. 

2. Mikhaeloff. 3. Hessy Helfmann. 4. Kibaltchik. 5. Sophia Peroffskaja. 6. Jelaboff. 

gone to the Russian capital. The facts were reported to the Czar, but he 
laughed at Chief Gresser of the capital police. 

In solemnizing the requiem of the late -Czar a public progress was made 
to the Cathedral, amid a dense throng of citizens, among whom were all the 
detectives that Chief Gresser could get together. In a small caf6 in one of 
the side streets of the Morokaya two of the detectives ran across a couple 
of uniformed university students in Russia the students have a peculiar 
costume who were acting suspiciously. They were conversing in a most 
excited manner with a man dressed as a peasant. The trio were watched. 
At the caf door they separated, but all three made by different routes for 
the Newsky Prospect, the chief drive of the capital and the one along 
which the Czar was to return. The peasant was lost by the detectives, but 

4 o 


the other two were kept in sight, and the suspicions of the police were made 
all the more keen by the fact that the young men passed each other in the 
crowd several times with an elaborate appearance of not knowing each 
other. One of them had a law-book in his hand ; the other had a traveling- 
bag over his shoulder. 

A few moments before the Czar was to pass on his return from the Cathe- 
dral the students came together and whispered, and the two were imme- 
diately and quietly arrested. Their names were given as Andreieffsky and 
Petroff, university students, and this was proven to be the truth. 

A thrilling discovery was made, however, at once. The innocent-looking 
law-book was really a most dangerous infernal machine sufficiently power- 
ful not alone to kill everybody in the Czar's carriage, but many in the crowd, 

and perhaps to have 
blown down some of 
the neighboring 
houses. The travel- 
ing-sack was full of 
dynamite bombs of 
the ordinary spher- 
ical pattern. 

I reproduce here a 
diagram of the book- 
bomb from the excel- 
lent account of the 
attempted assassina- 
tion given by the Ne'w York World a few days after it occurred. 

The outside was made of wood and pasteboard, so artistically that only 
the closest inspection would discover the fact that the machine was not 
really a book. In the center of the interior, in the place marked C, were 
a number of hollow bullets filled with strychnine, which poison was also 
plastered upon the outside of the missiles. Above this were small compart- 
ments filled with fulminate, with a glass tube of sulphuric acid. To the 
tube was tied a string, which would break it when thrown, spilling it into 
the fulminate and thus exploding the dynamite -with which the whole of the 
hollow parts of the interior was densely packed. Fully a hundred people 
must have been killed had the bomb been exploded as intended. The 
expert who examined the bomb, after handling the bullets carelessly put his 
finger in his mouth, and was seriously, though not fatally, poisoned. 

Hardly bad the arrest been made when the Czar was notified at the 
Cathedral. He ordered that the news should be withheld from the Empress, 
although he was himself visibly affected. He sprang into his sleigh with 
the Czarowitz, and drove by an unused route to the railway station. The 
Czarina followed shortly after in a carriage, greatly agitated by a presenti- 

Fig. i. Interior. 

Fig. 2. Exterior. 

A. Glass Tube. B. Fulminate. C. Bullets. D. Dynamite. 


ment of evil. Not until the train had started was she informed of the occur- 
rence. She burst into tears, and was inconsolable for the rest of the journey. 
Once safe in his Gatschina Palace, the Czar is said to have given vent to his 
feelings in the strongest language, heaping anathemas upon the heads of the 
Nihilists, and threatening dire revenge. 

Less than two hours after the arrest of Andreieffsky and Petroff their 
companion peasant fell into the hands of the police. His name was Gene- 
raloff, a native of Jaroslav, South Russia. He had been actively engaged 
in the Nihilist propaganda for some time past. He also carried bombs on 
his person. 

These arrests were supplemented by numerous others. The lodgings of 
the prisoners in the suburbs of St. Petersburg known as the Peski (the Sands) 
were searched, and other explosives as well as documents incriminating 
other persons were found. As a result the procession of prisoners to the 
Peter and Paul's Fortress for a time was almost unremitting, and no one 
felt safe against police intrusion. All three of the prisoners were subse- 
quently executed. 

England shortly afterward became the mark for the next development 
of the dynamite war. It is the fact that shortly after the assassination of 
the Czar an attack on the British Government was begun. 

Prior to this there had been two outrages in 1881 one an attempt to 
blow up the barracks at Salford with dynamite, the other a gunpowder 
explosion at the Mansion House, London. 

The record of the year, as compiled by Col. Majendie, the Inspector of 
Explosives, then runs on : 

1881 : 16 May. Attempt to blow up the police barracks at Liverpool with gunpowder in 
iron piping. Damage to the building was' inconsiderable, and no one hurt. 

10 June. Attempt to blow up the Town Hall, Liverpool, by an infernal machine prob- 
ably filled with dynamite. A great number of windows broken, and some iron railings 
destroyed, but no one injured. The two perpetrators captured. 

14 June. A piece of iron piping filled with gunpowder exploded against the police sta- 
tion at Loanhead, near Edinburgh, Some windows broken, but no other damage effected. 

30 June. An importation of six infernal machines at Liverpool from America in the 
"Malta," concealed in barrels of cement. They contained lignin dynamite, with a clock- 
work arrangement for firing it. 

2 July. An importation of four similar machines at Liverpool in the "Bavaria." 

September. An attempt to produce an explosion at the barracks, Castlebar. A canister 
containing gunpowder was thrown over the wall, close to the magazine. The lighted fuse 
which was attached fell out, and no harm was done. 

1882 : 26 March. An attempt to blow up Weston House, Galway, with dynamite in an 
iron pot enclosed in a sack. Five persons were afterwards convicted of the outrage. 

27 March. A 6-inch shell charged with explosive thrown into a house in Letterkenny. 
The explosion caused considerable damage. 

2 April. An attempt to destroy a police barrack in Limerick by firing some dynamite on 
the window sill. 

12 May. A discovery of a parcel containing 12 Ibs. to 20 Ibs. of gunpowder, with lighted 
touch-paper or fuse attached, at the Mansion House, London. 


1883: 21 January, An explosion of lignin dynamite at Fossil Bridge, Glasgow. Two 
or three persons passing sustained slight injury. 

21 January. An explosion of lignin dynamite at Buchanan Street Station, Glasgow, in a 
disused goods shed. 

15 March. An explosion at the Local Government Board Office, Whitehall, causing con- 
siderable local damage. 

15 March. An abortive explosion of lignin dynamite outside a window at the Times office. 

April. Two infernal machines, containing 28 Ibs. of lignin dynamite (probably home- 
made), discovered a't Liverpool. Four persons were convicted and sentenced to penal servi- 
tude for life. 

April. The discovery of a factory of nitro-glycerine at Birmingham,- and of a large 
amount of nitro-glycerine brought thence to London. The occupier of the house and others 
were subsequently convicted and sentenced to penal servitude for life. 

30 October. An explosion in the Metropolitian Railway, between Charing Cross and 
Westminster, unattended with personal or serious structural injury. 

30 October. An explosion on the Metropolitan Railway, near Praed Street. Three car- 
riages sustained serious injury, and about sixty-two persons were cut by the broken glass and 
debris, and otherwise injured. 

November. Two infernal machines discovered in a house in Westminster, occupied by a 
German named Woolf. Two men were tried, and in the result the jury disagreed and a nolle 
prosequi was entered on behalf of the Crown. 

1884 January. The discovery of some slabs of Atlas Powder A (American make), in 
Primose Hill tunnel. 

February. An explosion in the cloak-room of the London, Brighton, and South Coast 
Railway at Victoria Station of Atlas Powder A (American make), left in a bag or port- 

27 February. The discovery of a bag containing some Atlas Powder A, with clockwork 
and detonators, at Charing Cross Station. 

28 February. A similar discovery at Paddington Station, 
i March. A similar discovery at Ludgate Hill Station. 

April. A discovery of three metal bombs, containing dynamite (probably American 
make), at Birkenhead, in possession of a man named Daly, who was afterwards sentenced to 
penal servitude for life. 

30 May. An explosion of dynamite at the. Junior Carlton Club, St. James' Square. 
About fourteen persons were injured. 

30 May. An explosion of dynamite at the residence of Sir Watkin Williams Wynn, St. 
James' Square. 

30 May. An explosion of dynamite in a urinal under a room occupied by some of the 
detective staff in Scotland Yard. It brought down a portion of the building, besides severely 
injuring a policeman and some persons who were at an adjacent public-house. 

30 May. A discovery of Atlas Powder A, with fuse and detonators, in Trafalgar Square. 

28 November. An attempted destruction of a house at Edenburn, near Tralee, occupied 
by Mr. Hussey. The injury, which was doubtless accomplished with dynamite, was less 
serious than was intended, and no one sustained bodily harm. 

12 December. An explosion of a charge of dynamite or other nitro-compound under Lon- 
don Bridge, fortunately doing very littte damage. 

1885 : 2 January. An explosion in the Gower Street tunnel of the Metropolitan Railway, 
caused by about two pounds of some nitro-compound fired apparently by a percussion fuse. 
Damage inconsiderable. 

24 January. An explosion in the Tower of London, caused, beyond all reasonable 
doubt, by about five to eight pounds of Atlas Powder A (American make). Three or four 
persons were slightly injured, and considerable damage was done to the Armory. 


24 January. An explosion of Atlas Powder A (American make), in Westminster Hall. 
Three persons were injured severely, and others slightly, and very considerable damage was 
done to the Hall and surroundings. 

24 January. An explosion in the House of Commons (probably caused by a similar 
amount of the same explosive). No persons were injured, but very considerable damage was 
done to the Houses of Parliament. 

February. A discovery of dynamite (of American make) in a house in Harrow Road, 

9 March. A discovery of Atlas Powder A in the roof of a saw-mill at Bootle. 

As a result of these various conspiracies and political outrages, twenty- 
nine persons were convicted. 

Some of the bombs used in the London explosions were very ingeniously 
made. Usually they had a clock-work arrangement which released a ham- 
mer and exploded the infernal machine at the time set. Others again had 
a time fuse depending upon the percolation of acid through parchment. In 
every case, however, the destruction wrought by the explosives was ridicul- 
ously disappointing to the conspirators, and in England as elsewhere the 
event proved that high explosives are- a delusion and a snare from the 
revolutionist's point of view. They are greatly more dangerous to the per- 
sons who employ them than to the people or the property against which 
they may be aimed. 


The Exodus to Chicago Waiting for an Opportunity A Political Party 
Formed A Question of $600,000 The First Socialist Platform Details of the Organ- 
ization Work at the Ballot-Box Statistics of Socialist Progress "The Interna- 
tional Workingmen's Party" and The " Workingmen's Party of the United States" 
The Eleven Commandments of Labor How the Work was to be Done A Curious 
Constitution Beginnings of the Labor Press The Union Congress Criticising the 
Ballot-Box The Executive Committee and its Powers Annals of 1876 A Period of 
Preparation The Great Railroad Strikes of 1877 The First Attack on Society A 
Decisive Defeat Trying Politics Again The "Socialistic Party" Its Leaders and 
its Aims August Spies as an Editor Buying the Arbeiter-Zeitung How the Money 
was Raised Anarchist Campaign Songs The Group Organization Plan of the Prop- 
aganda Dynamite First Taught "The Bureau of Information" An Attack on 
Arbitration No Compromise with Capital Unity of the Internationalists and the 

AFTER the enactment of the stringent Socialist law in Germany, and 
the determined opposition of Prince Bismarck to the creed of the 
Social Democrats, the exodus to America began, and Chicago, unfortu- 
nately for this city, was the Mecca to which the exiles came. At first but 
little attention was paid to the incoming people. It was thought that free 
air and free institutions would disarm them of their rancor against organized 
society, and but little attention was paid to the ^aporings of the leaders. 
We had heard that sort of thing before, especially in* the years following 
1848, and it had come to nothing ; and people generally, when they heard 
the mouthings of the apostles of disorder, told themselves that when these 
apostles had each bought a home, there would come naturally, and out of 
the logic of facts, a change in their convictions. 

Hence, although there were some inflammatory speeches, and a pretense 
of Socialistic activity, it was not until the year 1873 that any serious atten- 
tion was paid to the movement. Even then the interest it excited was that 
solely of a political novelty. 

The period was one of general business depression, however, and addi- 
tional impetus was given to the feelings of discontent by the labor troubles 
in New York, Boston, St. Louis and other large cities. In New York the 
labor demonstrations were particularly violent. The special object sought 
to be accomplished there was the introduction of the eight-hour system. 
Eastern Internationalists saw in this an opportunity to strengthen their 
foothold in America, and they were not slow in fomenting discord among 
the members of the different trades-unions which had inaugurated the 
movement. They even went so far as to proclaim that, if there was any 
interference with the eight-hour strike, the streets would run red with the 
blood of capitalists. The Communists of Chicago sympathized with their 
brethren in the East, but they lacked numbers and similar conditions of 


violent discontent to urge force and bloodshed in the attainment of the same 
object, which, however, had been for some time under discussion by the 
Trades Assembly of Chicago. They consequently contented themselves 
with wild attacks upon the prevailing system of labor and urged a severance 
from existing political parties and the formation of a party exclusively 
devoted to the amelioration of the condition of workingmen. 

Toward the end of the year 1873, the leaders seem to have concluded 
that they had a sufficient number of adherents to form a party, and a com- 
mittee was appointed to prepare and submit a plan of organization. On 
the ist of January following, this committee reported. They suggested 
organization into societies according to nationalities, and that all societies 
thus organized should be directed by a central committee, to be appointed 
from- the several sections. At the same time it was publicly announced that 
"the new organization did not seek the overthrow of the national, State or 
city government by violence," but would work out its mission peaceably 
through the ballot-box. 

While the formation of a party was under consideration, times were 
exceedingly dull in the city. Thousands were idle, and there was a general 
clamor among the unemployed for relief. This discontent was seized upon 
to influence the minds of the poor against capital, and the remedy was 
declared to lie only in Socialism. The Relief and Aid Society formed the first 
point of attack. The Socialist leaders loudly proclaimed that it had on 
hand over $600,000, the charitable contributions of the world sent to Chi- 
cago after the fire for the benefit of the poor, which sum was held, they 
claimed, for the enrichment of the managers of that society and the benefit 
of "rich paupers." In the early part of December, 1873, a procession of 
the unemployed marched through the streets of the city and demanded 
assistance from the municipal authorities. They finally decided to appeal 
to the Relief Society, and, backed by hundreds in line, a committee 
attempted to wait upon the officials of that organization. They were, 
excluded, however, on the ground that all deserving cases would be aided 
without the intervention of a committee. 

The condition of labor now formed the pretext for many a diatribe 
against capital in general and the alleged favoritism of the Relief and Aid 
Society in particular ; and many allied themselves with the Socialistic 
organization not comprehending its meaning, but because it happened at 
the moment to appeal to their passions. 

It was this state of affairs which spurred on the Socialist leaders to the 
formation of a party. Having accepted the general plan of organization as 
recommended by the committee, another meeting was held in January, 1874. 
A declaration of principles was then formulated. There were nine articles, 
which may be summarized as follows : 



Abolition of all class legislation and repeal of all existing laws favoring monopolies. 

All means of transportation, such as railroads, canals, telegraph, etc., to be controlled, 
managed and operated by the State. 

Abolition of the prevailing system of letting out public work by contract, the State or 
municipality to have all work of a public nature done under its own supervision and control. 

An amendment to the laws in regard to the recovery of wages, all suits brought for the 
recovery of wages to be decided within eight days. 

The payment of wages by the month to be abolished, and weekly payments substituted. 

A discontinuance of the hiring-out of prison labor to companies or individuals, prisoners 
to be employed by and for the benefit of the State only. 

Adoption by the State of compulsory education of all children between the ages of seven 
and fourteen years ; the hiring-out of children under fourteen to be prohibited. 

All banking, both commercial and savings, to be done by the State. 

All kinds of salary grabs to be discontinued ; all public officers to be paid a fixed salary 
instead of fees. 

Specifically stated, the organization was made to consist of sections and 
divisions and a central committee. Each section was made to consist of 
twenty-five members, and was entitled to one delegate to the conventions of 
the order, with one delegate for every additional one hundred members or 
fraction thereof. The central committee was to be composed of nine members, 
to be chosen by the delegates. The duties of the committee were fixed under 
such rules as might be adopted by the organization. Their term was from 
one general convention to another. Each delegate was allowed as many 
votes as there were members of the section he represented. Delegates from 
each section were obliged to assemble every week to report all party affairs, 
and, if necessary, were expected to make similar reports to the central com- 
mittee. Sections and divisions elected officers for six months. Two-thirds 
of the members of each section were required to be wage-workers. Each 
member had to pay only five cents initiation fee and five cents monthly dues. 
One-half of the income from fees was given to the central committee for 
printing and general expenses. All in arrears for three months, barring 
sickness or want of employment, were expelled. Each section was given 
the power to dismiss such members as acted by word, writing or deed to the 
detriment of the party and its principles. The right of appeal to the cen- 
tral committee was given to any member in case three of his section favored 
it. Monthly reports to sections and quarterly reports to the central com- 
mittee as to the condition of the organization and the treasury were required 
of the secretary. In the event that any officer lost the confidence of his 
section, he could be expelled before the expiration of his term by a majority 

Such were the principles and plans of the organization at the outset. 
There does not appear anywhere anything to show that the ulterior object 
of the party was to use violence to enforce its demands. On the contrary, 
at a subsequent general gathering a preamble to the platform expressly 
stated that the party was organized "to advocate and advance the political 


platform of the Workingmen's Party, to acquire power in legislative bodies 
and to uphold the principles of the platform." Subsequent mass-meetings, 
held in January, ratified the declaration of principles, and the various 
speakers urged that, inasmuch as the " other political parties were for the 
benefit of unprincipled scalawags," their party had come into existence 
"pure and undefiled, to secure to workingmen their rights. " The prime 
movers in the party at this , time were John McAuliff, L. Thorsmark, 
Carl Klings, Henry Stahl, August Arnold, J. Zimple, Leo Meilbeck, 
Prokup Hudek, O. A. Bishop, John Feltes, John Simmens, Jacob Winnen, 
J. Krueger, William Jeffers and Robert Mueller. The organization was 
styled "The Workingmen's Party of Illinois." 

Active agitation at once commenced in various parts of the city. Meet- 
ings were held wherever possible in the poorer sections of the North and 
West Divisions. In all speeches the prevalent distress was dwelt upon and 
the people were urged to combine against capital. Some of the points made 
at these gatherings may be judged from the remarks of the agitators at a 
meeting of the various sections of the party at No. 68 West Lake Street on 
the ist of March, 1874. While the sentiments were somewhat rabid, there 
was no encouragement to deeds of violence. One of the speakers, Mr. 
Zimple, spoke of the object of the meeting as being " to devise means for 
marching on the bulwarks of aristocracy, and gain for the working classes 
that social position to which they were by right entitled. " Then followed 
an invective against capital and society. " All existing things must be torn 
down," he continued, " and a new system of society built up." Slaves even 
were allowed to live, but, as things were then, workingmen, who could work 
no longer, had to starve. If they stood together and elected good men to 
the Legislature next fall, this state of affairs would be changed. Legislators 
were too stupid to make a living by honest work, therefore they had to sub- 
sist by robbing the people. Mr. Thorsmark expressed confidence in the 
success of Socialism and said that if all workingmen would do their duty 
"the present state of society would be reformed, not only for their benefit, 
but for the benefit of mankind." Carl Klings could conceive of "nothing 
more inhuman, cruel and outrageous than the present state of society," and 
it was for this reason, he said, that they had banded together to "strike a 
blow which would effect a change for all time to come." The same tyrants, 
he argued, who had slaughtered their brethren in cold blood and oppressed 
them in France, could be found in Chicago. The workingmen of America 
had not accomplished anything as yet, because they were not yet fully pre- 
pared, but gradually they were becoming a great power, and soon would "no 
longer be compelled to drink the bitter poison from the cup of the aristo- 
crats." Mr. McAuliff touched on the wrongs of the existing state of society 
as he saw it and held that " they all had to unite in one common body and 
seek success at the ballot-box." 


To gain political power, the Socialists made their first attempt by plac- 
ing a ticket in the field. A convention was held in Thieleman's Theater, in 
the North Division of the city, on the 2gth of March, 1874. Although there 
were general city officers to be elected the following month, the Socialists 
confined their efforts to making nominations only for the town offices of 
North Chicago, in which section their theories seemed, at that time, to have 
found the most fertile soil. Their ticket was made up as follows: Assessor, 
George F. Duffy ; Collector, Philip Koerber ; Supervisor, August Arnold ; 
Town Clerk, Frederick Oest ; Constable, James Jones. 

At this convention an impetus was given to the new organ of the party, 
the Vorbote, which had just issued its initial number, and, although this 
journal was given a considerable circulation to boom the new-fledged can- 
didates, the ticket only polled 950 votes. 

But the leaders were not disheartened. They continued their political 
agitation, and at the approach of the fall campaign they decided to branch 
out more extensively, and to measure swords with the other political parties 
for all the offices in sight. On the 25th of October, 1874, a convention 
was held in Bohemian Turner Hall, on Taylor Street, near Canal, and Con- 
gressional, county and city tickets were put into the field. For Congress 
they selected, for the West Side, W. S. Le Grand ; for the North Side, 
F. A. Hoffman, Jr. It was left an open question whom they should support 
on the South Side. Their candidates for the v Legislature were : Madden, 
Rice, Hudek, Kranel, Thrane and Hymann ; and for the Senate, Rowe, 
Bishop, Methua and Koellner. County Commissioners, Mueller, Bettetil, 
Bley and Maiewsky for the West Side, and German and Breitenstein for 
the North Side. Their candidate for Sheriff was E. Melchior, and for 
Coroner, Dr. Geiger. The aldermanic selections were : In the Second 
Ward, Wasika ; in the Fourth, Tuer j in the Sixth, Grapsicsky ; in the 
Seventh, Maj. Warnecke and E. A. Haller ; in the Eighth, Leonhard ; in 
the Ninth, George Heck ; in the Tenth, Sticker ; in the Eleventh, Uren- 
harst ; in the Twelfth, Zirbes ; in the Fourteenth, Sirks ; in the Fifteenth, 
Schwenn and Anderson ; in the Sixteenth, Seilheimer ; in the Seventeenth, 
H. Jensen ; in the Eighteenth, Frey ; and in the Twentieth, Otto F. Schalz. 
In the wards not given no nominations were made. 

The strength of the ticket may be gathered by the fact that at the elec- 
tion, on November 5th, Melchior received only 378 votes, while his 
opponent, Agnew, Democrat, scored 28,549, and Bradley, Republican, 
21,080. The Socialist candidate who polled the largest number of votes was 
Breitenstein, for County Commissioner 790. 

The leaders now became convinced that a German morning daily was 
necessary to further the interests of their party. The Illinois Staats-Zeitung 
and the Freie Presse had almost neutralized their efforts on the stump, and 
they saw that they must have an organ to meet these papers and reach the 


masses. They had seen the effects of workingmen's papers in Germany, 
where several representatives had been sent to the Reichstag, and as their 
party shibboleth then was " to secure power in legislative bodies " in Illi- 
nois, they determined to found a paper of their own. On the i3th of De- 
cember, 1874, on Market Street, they held a secret meeting. The leading 
spirits in the proceedings were Mueller, Simmens and Klings. It was pro- 
posed that stock to the amount of $20,000 should be issued for a daily, but as 
no. one seemed to be thoroughly posted in the matter of publishing a paper, 
it was decided to select a committee. Messrs. Klings, Helmerdeg, Sim- 
mens, Methua, Kelting, Winner and Finkensieber were so selected, but 
whether they made any progress, or submitted a report as to their conclu- 
sions, is not known. It is certain that no daily appeared to supplement the 
efforts of their weekly organ at that time, and it was not until four or 
five years later that such a paper finally made its appearance. 

In the winter of 1874 and the spring of 1875 the Socialist agitators were not 
openly aggressive, but they nevertheless kept quietly at work sowing the 
seed of discontent. Finally, in October, 1875, they resumed open and 
active agitation. The only meeting they held that fall was at No. 529 Mil- 
waukee Avenue, and their wrath was directed especially against the Repub- 
lican and Democratic candidates for County. Treasurer. The speakers were 
J. Webeking, John Feltis, Jacob Winnen, A. Zimmerman and John Sim- 
mens. The burden of their harangues was that " the workingmen should 
no longer believe the scoundrels " put up by the other parties. It was time, 
they urged, to " destroy the power of the robber band." Workingmen must 
"organize, place laborers on the throne, and drive capitalists from power." 

In the election, held the following month, they took no active part, and 
this fact, together with the apparently quiescent condition of the organiza- 
tion, prompted the Tribune to remark : 

No longer do they work openly (smarting under former failures), nor do they allow 
outsiders like Oelke, Gruenhut and others to get into their ranks. The Workingmen's Party 
of Illinois, as the Communists of this city style themselves, no longer acts as an independent 
organization, but has placed itself under the protectorate of the society of the International- 
ists, which has branches in every city in the world. The executive committee of this society, 
which formerly resided in Paris and Leipsic, has now its headquarters in New York, and its 
mandates are implicitly complied with by all the local organizations. The central com- 
mittee believe that during the winter large numbers will be without employment, and hence a 
proper time will come to strike a blow. For months they have been organizing military 
companies and maturing plans to burn Chicago and other large cities in the United States 
and the Old World. 

At about this time a secret meeting was held at No. 140 West Lake 
Street. Only members of the local committee of the Internationale and the 
executive committee of the Workingmen's Party were present. It came to 
the surface that other than political measures were discussed. The Socialist 
leaders denied all intention of abandoning politics, but they did not hesitate 


to avow a belief that some startling blow would facilitate the success of 
their movement. What seemed to give a strong color of truth to reports 
about their incendiary intentions was the action they took with reference to 
Carl Klings. He had been one of the most active spirits in their organiza- 
tion. He was a fiery, impetuous speaker and carried the crowds with him 
in all his harangues. For some unknown reason, not explainable upon any 
other hypothesis than that some violent demonstration was contemplated 
as a change from their past policy, the party had decided to take no hand in 
the election of November, and yet, in spite of this decision, Klings had entered 
into it most bitterly and violently to accomplish the defeat of a candidate 
against whom he cherished the greatest enmity. It would seem that this, 
viewed from a Socialistic standpoint, ought to have commended him to his 
brethren, especially as the candidate was beaten in the election, but, on the 
representation that he had violated an order of the party, Klings was sum- 
marily expelled from the organization on the i3th of December, 1875. The 
fact that he had never secretly advocated violent means undoubtedly accounts 
for his expulsion. 

It is unquestionably true that at this time the Communists were begin- 
ning to think of more serious matters than politics, and gradually drifting 
away from their peaceful mission as avowed in their early party platform 
and public declarations, and it is not unwarranted to attribute their non- 
intervention in politics that fall to the efforts and influence of the Inter- 
nationale. They proved in more ways than one that they had at heart 
revolutionary methods, and that they were only awaiting an opportune 
time to boldly proclaim their sentiments. Even if there could exist a doubt 
on this point, it was dissipated by the utterances of the Socialists at a mass- 
meeting held December 26, 1875, at West Twelfth Street Turner Hall, to 
protest against the treatment of Communist prisoners in New Caledonia by 
the French Government. 

As already stated, the Socialists had established in 1874 an " Inter- 
national Workingmen's Party of the State of Illinois," and for some time 
they held meetings under that pretentious title, principally on Clybourn 
Avenue. The organization struggled along for awhile and finally was lost 
to sight. Subsequently a " Workingmen's Party of the United States " 
appeared in the Socialistic world, and some of the leaders of the old local 
organization began to identify themselves with its establishment and success. 
They held frequent meetings on North Avenue. The declaration of prin- 
ciples of the new party was as follows : 

The emancipation of the working classes must be achieved by the working classes 
themselves, independently of all political parties of the propertied class. 

The struggle for the emancipation of the working classes means not a struggle for class 
privileges and monopolies, but for equal rights and duties, and the abolition of all class 

The economical subjection of the man of labor to the monopolizers of the means of 



labor, the sources of life, lies at the bottom of servitude in all its forms, of all social misery, 
mental degradation and political dependence. 

The economical emancipation of the working classes is, therefore, the great end to 
which every political movement ought to be subordinate as a means. 

All efforts aiming at that great end have hitherto failed from want of solidarity between 
the manifold divisions of labor in each country, and from the absence of concerted action 
between the workingmen of all countries. 

The emancipation of labor is neither a local nor a national, but a social problem, embrac- 
ing all countries in which modern society exists, and . depending for its solution upon the 
practical and theoretical concurrence and cooperation of the most advanced countries. 

For these reasons the Workingmen's Party of the United States has been founded. It 
enters into proper relations and connections with the workingmen of other countries. 

Whereas, political liberty without economical freedom is but an empty phrase ; therefore, 
we will, in the first place, direct our efforts to the economical question. We repudiate 
entirely connection with all political parties of the propertied class without regard to 
their name. We demand that all the means of labor, land, machinery, railroads, telegraphs, 
canals, etc., become the common property of the whole people, for the purpose of abolishing 
the wage-system, and substituting in its place cooperative production with a just distribution 
of its rewards. 

The political action of the party will be confined generally to obtaining legislative acts in 
the interest of the working class proper. It will not enter into a political campaign before 
being strong enough to exercise a perceptible influence, and then in the first place locally in 
the towns or cities, when demands of purely local character may be presented, provided they 
are not in conflict with the platform and principles of the party. We work for organization 
of the trades-unions upon a national and international basis, to ameliorate the condition of 
the working people and seek to spread therein the above principles. The Workingmen's 
Party of the United States proposes to introduce the following measures as a means to 
improve the condition of the working classes : 

1. Eight hours' work for the present as a normal working day, and legal punishment for 
all violators. 

2. Sanitary inspection of all conditions of labor, means of subsistence and dwellings 

3. Establishment of bureaus of labor statistics in all States as well as by the National 
Government, the officers of these bureaus to be taken from the ranks of the labor organiza- 
tions and elected by them. 

4. Prohibition of the use of prison labor by private employers. 

5. Prohibitory laws against the employment of children under fourteen years of age in 
industrial establishments. 

6. Gratuitous instruction in all educational institutions'. 

7. Strict laws making employers liable for all accidents to the injury of their employes. 

8. Gratuitous administration of justice in courts of law. 

9. Abolition of all conspiracy laws. 

10. Railroads, telegraphs and all means of transportation to be taken hold of and 
operated by the Government. 

11. All industrial enterprises to be placed under the control of the Government as fast as 
practicable and operated by free cooperative trades-unions for the good of the whole 

The Constitution of the "Workingmen's Party of the United States" 
was as follows : 

The affairs of the party shall be conducted by three bodies: i. The Congress. 2. The 
Executive Committee. 3. The Board of Supervision. 


ARTICLE I. THE CONGRESS, i. At least every two years a Congress shall be held, com- 
posed of the delegates from the different sections that have been connected with the party at 
least two months previously and complied with all their duties. Sections of less than one 
hundred members shall be entitled to one delegate ; from one hundred to two hundred, to two 
delegates ; and one more delegate for each additional hundred. 

2. No suspended section shall be admitted to a seat before the Congress has examined 
and passed judgment on the case. It shall, however, be the duty of every Congress to put 
such cases on the order of business and dispose of them immediately after the election of its 

3. The Congress defines and establishes the political position of the party, decides finally 
on all differences within the party, appoints time and place of next Congress and designates 
the seat of the Executive Committee and of the Board of Supervisors. 

4. The entire expenses of Congress, as well as mileage and salaries of the delegates, 
shall be paid by the party and provided for by a special tax to be levied six weeks before the 
Congress meets before the year 1880 ; however, no mileage will be paid beyond the 36th 
degree of northern latitude, nor beyond the sgth degree of western longitude. 

5. All propositions and motions to be considered and acted upon by Congress shall be 
communicated to all sections at least six weeks previously. 

ARTICLE II. THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, i. The Executive Committee shall consist 
of seven members and shall appoint from its own midst one corresponding secretary, one 
recording secretary, one financial secretary and one treasurer. The Executive Committee 
shall be elected by the sections of the place designated as its seat, and vacancies shall be 
filled in the same way. 

2. The Executive Committee shall hold office from one Congress to the ensuing one. 

3. The duties of the Executive Committee shall be to execute all resolutions of Congress, 
and to see that they are strictly observed by all sections and members, to organize and 
centralize the propaganda, to represent the organization at home and abroad, to entertain 
and open relations with the workingmen's parties of other countries, to make a quarterly 
report to the sections concerning the status of the organization and its financial position, to 
make all necessary preparations for the Congress as well as a detailed report on all party 

4. Right and Power of the Executive Committee. The Executive Committee, with the 
concurrence of the Board of Supervision, may refuse to admit to the organization individuals 
and sections as well as suspend members and sections till the next Congress for injuring the 
party interests. In case of urgency the Executive Committee may make suitable proposi- 
tions, which propositions shall become binding, if approved of by a majority of the members 
within two months. The Executive Committee has the right to establish rules and regula- 
tions for the policy to be observed by the party papers, to watch their course, and in cases of 
vacancies to appoint editors pro tempore. The Executive Committee may send the corre- 
sponding secretary as delegate to Congress ; the delegate will have no vote and shall be pro- 
hibited from accepting any other credentials. 

5. The salary of the party officers shall be fixed by the Executive Committee with the 
concurrence of the Board of Supervision. 

6. The corresponding secretary shall copy all documents and writings issuing from the 
Executive Committee, place on file all communications received, and keep a correct record 
thereof. He shall receive a' proper salary. 

7. The financial secretary shall keep and make out the lists of sections and members, 
receive and record all money and hand the same over to the treasurer, taking his voucher 

8. The treasurer shall receive all moneys from the financial secretary, pay bills and honor 
all orders of the Executive Committee, after they are countersigned by the corresponding 
secretary and one more member of the Executive Committee, make a correct report on the 


status of the treasury to the Executive Committee at every meeting and to the whole organi- 
zation every three months, and give security in the amount fixed by the Executive Committee. 
The report of the treasurer must be examined at a regular session of the Executive Commit- 
tee and indorsed by the same. 

ARTICLE III. THE BOARD OF SUPERVISION, i. The Board of Supervision shall consist 
of five members, to hold office and be elected in the same way as the Executive Committee. 

2. The duties of the Board of Supervision shall be to watch over the action of the 
Executive Committee and that of the whole party ; to superintend the administration and the 
editorial management of the organs of the party, and to interfere in case of need ; to adjust 
all differences occurring in the party within four weeks after receiving the necessary evidence, 
subject to the final decision of the Congress ; to make a detailed report of its actions to 

3. In case of any urgency the Board of Supervision may suspend officers and editors 
until the meeting of the next Congress, such suspension to be submitted at once to a general 
vote, the result of which shall be made known within four weeks thereafter. 

4. The Board of Supervision is entitled to send one delegate to the Congress under the 
same conditions as the Executive Committee. 

ARTICLE IV. SECTIONS. Ten persons speaking the same language and being wage- 
workers shall be entitled to form a section, provided they acknowledge the principles, statutes 
and Congress resolutions and belong to no political party of the propertied classes. They 
shall demand admission from the Executive Committee by transmitting the dues for the cur- 
rent month, and their list of members, their letter to contain the names, residences and 
trade of members, and to show their conditions as wage-laborers. At least three-fourths 
of the members of a section must be wage-laborers. There shall be no more than one sec- 
tion of the same language in one place, which meet at different parts of the town or city for 
the purpose of an active propaganda. Business meetings shall be held once a month. 
Each section is responsible for the integrity of its members. Each section is required to 
make a monthly report to the Executive Committee concerning its activity, membership and 
financial situation, to entertain friendly relations with the trades-unions and to promote their 
formation, to hold regular meetings at least once every week, and to direct its efforts exclusively 
to the organization, enlightening and emancipating the working classes. No section shall take 
part in political movements without the consent of the Executive Committee. Five sections 
of different localities shall be entitled to call for the convention of an extraordinary Congress, 
such Congress to be convened if a majority of the sections decides in its favor. 

ARTICLE V. DUES AND CONTRIBUTIONS. A monthly due of five cents for each member 
shall be transmitted to the Executive Committee to meet the expenses of the propaganda and 
administration. In case of need, and with the consent of the Board of Supervision, the 
Executive Committee is empowered to levy an extraordinary tax. 

ARTICLE VI. GENERAL REGULATIONS. All officers, committees, boards, etc., shall be 
chosen by a majority vote. No member of the organization shall hold more than one office 
at the same time. All officers, authorities, committees, boards, etc., of the organization, 
may be dismissed or removed at any time by a general vote of their constituencies, and such 
general vote shall be taken within one month from the date of the motion to this effect ; 
provided, however, that said motion be seconded by not less than one-third of the respective 
constituents. Expulsion from one section shall be valid for the whole organization if 
approved by the Executive Committee and the Board of Supervision. 

All members of the organization, by the adoption of this constitution, take upon themselves 
the duty to assist each other morally and materially in case of need. 

The Congress alone has the right of amending, altering or adding to this constitution, 
subject to a general vote of all sections, the result of which is to be communicated to the 
Executive Committee within four weeks. 


ARTICLE VII. LOCAL STATUTES. Each section shall chose from its ranks one organizer, 
one corresponding and recording secretary, one financial secretary, one treasurer and two 
members of an auditing committee. All these officers shall be elected for six months, and 
the Executive Committee shall take timely measures to make the election of newly formed 
sections correspond with the general election of the whole party. The organizer conducts 
the local propaganda and is responsible to the section. 

The organizers of the various sections of one locality shall be in constant communication 
with each other in order to secure concerted action. The secretary is charged with the 
minutes and the correspondence. The financial secretary shall keep and make out the list 
of members, sign the cards of membership, collect the dues, hand them over to the treasurer 
and correctly enter them. The treasurer shall receive all moneys from the financial secre- 
tary and hold them subject to the order of the section. The auditing committee shall super- 
intend all books and the general management of the affairs, and audit bills. All officers 
shall make monthly reports to the section. A chairman is elected in every meeting for main- 
taining the usual parliamentary order. 

The monthly dues of each member shall be no less than ten cents, five cents of which 
shall be paid to the Executive Committee. Members being in arrears for three consecutive 
months shall be suspended until fulfilling their duties, always excepted those who are sick or 
out of work. Persons not belonging to the wages-class can only be admitted in a regular 
business meeting by a two-thirds vote. The result of every election within the section must 
be at once communicated to the Executive Committee. 

Regulations concerning the Press of the Workingmen's Party of the United States. The 
Labor Standard of New York, the Ar 'better- Stimme of New York and the Vorbote of 
Chicago are recognized as the organs and property of the party. The organs of the party 
shall represent the interest of labor, awaken and arouse class feelings amongst the working- 
men, promote their organization as well as the trades-union movement, and spread econom- 
ical knowledge amongst them. The editorial management of each one of the papers of the 
party shall be intrusted to an editor appointed by Congress or by the Executive Committee 
and the Board of Supervision jointly, the editor to receive an appropriate salary. Whenever 
needed, assistant editors shall be appointed by the Executive Committee with the advice and 
consent of the chief editor. The chief editor is responsible for the contents of the paper 
and is to be guided in matters of principle by the declarations of principles of the party ; in 
technical and formal matters by the regulations of the Executive Committee. Whenever 
refusing to insert a communication from a member of the organization, the editor is to make 
it known to the writer thereof, directly or by an editorial notice, when an appeal can be taken 
to the Executive Committee. The editor shall observe strict neutrality toward differences 
arising within the party till the Board of Supervision and the Congress have given their decis- 
ion. For each one of the three party papers there shall be elected at their respective places 
of publication a council of administration of five members, who, jointly with the Executive 
Committee, shall appoint and remove the business manager and his assistants. The council 
of administration shall be chosen for one year in the first week of August of each year. The 
council of administration shall establish rules for the business management, superintend the 
same, investigate all complaints concerning the business management, redress all grievances, 
pay their weekly salaries to the editors and managers, and make a full report of the status 
of the paper every three months to all sections by a circular. The manager is bound to mail 
punctually and address correctly the papers ; he shall receive all moneys, book them and hand 
them over to the treasurer of the council of administration, and he shall keep the office of 
the paper in good order , his salary shall be fixed by the Congress or by the Executive Com- 
mittee. All sums over and above the amount of the security shall be deposited in a bank by 
the council of administration. The receipts of all moneys from without shall be published 
in the paper. 


The treasurer of the council of administration and the manager shall give security to 
the council of administration in the amount fixed by the Executive Committee. The 
chief editor's salary shall be from $15 to $20 per week. All complaints against the edito- 
rial management shall in the first place be put before the Executive Committee, in the 
second place before the Board of Supervision. All complaints against the busines manage- 
ment shall be first referred to the council of administration, in the second place to the 
Board of Supervision. The sections are responsible for the financial liabilities of the 
newspaper agents appointed by them. The Congress alone can alter, amend or add to 
these regulations. 

The spring of 1876 found the local party in a quiescent state as regards 
active participation in politics, but they did not abandon their meetings. 
The First Regiment of the National Guard at this period had assumed 
goodly proportions, and it naturally came in for a good deal of attention at 
the hands of the speakers. They never failed to denounce it ; but, to cover 
their own sinister designs and lull others to a sense of security, they invari- 
ably declared that the Communists intended no war. They continued their 
"vacant-lot" oratory and in every way sought to increase the number of 
their party adherents. 

Toward the end of July, 1876, a Union Congress was held in Philadel- 
phia, and these new declarations of principles were formulated : 

The Union Congress of the Workingmen's Party of the United States declares : The 
emancipation of labor is a social problem concerning the whole human race and embracing 
all sexes. The emancipation of women will be accomplished with the emancipation of men, 
and the so-called woman's rights question will be solved with the labor question. All evils 
and wrongs of the present society can be abolished only when economical freedom is gained 
for men as well as for women. It is the duty, therefore, of the wives and daughters of the 
workingmen to organize themselves and take their places within the ranks of struggling labor. 
To aid and support them in this work is the duty of men. By uniting their efforts they will 
succeed in breaking the economical fetters, and a new and free race of men and women will 
arise, recognizing each other as peers. We acknowledge the perfect equality of rights of both 
sexes, and in the Workingmen's Party of the United States this equality of rights is a prin- 
ciple and is strictly observed. 

The Ballot-box. Considering that the economical emancipation of the working classes is 
the great end, to which every political movement ought to be subordinate as a means ; con- 
sidering that the Workingmen's Party of the United States in the first place directs its efforts 
to the economical struggle ; considering that only in the economical arena the combatants for 
the Workingmen's Party can be trained and disciplined ; considering that in this country the 
ballot-box has long ago ceased to record the popular will, and only serves to falsify the same 
in the hands of professional politicians ; considering that the organization of the working 
people is not yet far enough developed to overthrow at once this state of corruption ; con- 
sidering that this middle class republic has produced an enormous amount of small reformers 
and quacks, the intruding of whom will only be facilitated by a political movement of the 
Workingmen's Party of the United States and considering that the corruption and misappli- 
cation of the ballot-box, as well as the silly reform movements, flourish most in years of Presi- 
dential elections, at such times greatly endangering the organization of workingmen : For 
these reasons the Union Congress, meeting at Philadelphia in July, 1876, resolves: 

The sections of this party as well as all workingmen in general are earnestly invited to 
abstain from all political movements for the present and to turn their back on the ballot-box. 
The workingmen will thus save themselves bitter disappointments, and their time and efforts 


will be directed far better towards their own organization, which is frequently destroyed and 
always injured by a hasty political movement. 

Let us bide our time ! It will come. 

Party Government. Chicago shall be the seat of the Executive Committee for the 
ensuing term ; New Haven, the seat of the Board of Supervision. 

The Next Congress. The Executive Committee, in connection with the Board of Super- 
vision, shall select a place for holding the next Congress in the following named cities : 
Chicago, 111. ; Newark, N. J. ; Boston, Mass. The end of August shall be the time for the 
meeting of the next Congress, and the Executive Committee jointly with the Board of Super- 
vision shall decide whether the next Congress shall be held in 1877 or 1878. 

7'he Party Press. As editor of the Labor Standard, J. P. McDonnell is appointed at a 
salary of $15 per week ; at least one member of Typographical Union No. 6 shall be employed 
as a compositor. As editor of the Arbeiler-Stinune Dr. A. Otto Walster is appointed at a 
salary of $i 8 per week ; the paper is to be enlarged in a proper way in October next. As 
editor of the Vorbote C. Conzett is appointed at a salary of $18 per week. In consideration 
of the claim of C. Conzett upon the paper for past services it is resolved that after a thorough 
investigation of the books the Executive Committee shall give to C. Conzett a promissory 
note for an amount not exceeding the sum of $1,430; for payment of this note two-thirds of 
the net gains made by party festivities in Chicago and the whole of the gain resulting from a 
general New Year's festivity in the year 1876 shall be appropriated. Stock and assets to pass 
into the hands of the party. A co-operative printing association like the one in New York 
shall be formed in Chicago, which shall publish the Vorbote at cost price, adding the usual 
percentage of wear and tear, and which shall buy the stock for not less than $600. A diminu- 
tion of the size of the Vorbote is proposed, and Conzett is empowered to act in this matter 
with due regard to the interests of the party. I5r. A. Douai is appointed assistant editor of 
all three papers. It is also resolved to employ the late editor of the English paper as assist- 
ant editor for numbers 18 and 19 of the Labor Standard and pay him his usual salary of $12 
per week for two weeks more. It is resolved to levy an extraordinary tax of ten cents per 
member, and to continue said extraordinary tax every three months until all liabilities of the 
party shall be paid. All sections are invited to hold festivities in honor of the Union, now 
accomplished, and to devote the proceeds of these festivities to aid the press of the party and 
to pay the extraordinary taxes. 

It was further resolved that "no local paper shall be founded without 
the consent of the Executive Committee and the Board of Supervision." It 
was resolved to place the agencies of all foreign publications in the hands 
of the party. After having come to an understanding with the various 
publishers of labor papers in other countries, a central depot was to be 
established. The two councils of administration of the party organs in 
New York were charged with making the necessary preparations for open- 
ing the central depot on the first day of October in New York. It was also 
recommended to the party authorities to publish labor pamphlets adapted 
to the conditions of this country. 

Decisions of the Executive Committee. In order to insure the collection of the extra tax 
of ten cents per quarter, levied by the Congress, the moneys sent in for dues will be credited 
to the extra tax account for the preceding quarter year, should such delinquencies occur. 
Any section in arrears for three months will be notified, and if within one month thereafter 
the section has not restored its good standing, it will be declared defunct. Where sections 
cannot appoint their own newspaper agent from among the members, they may appoint any 
person as their agent, but such agent must be personally responsible. Where sections fail 


to report gain or loss of members, they will be charged for dues and extra tax, according to 
the number of members enrolled at the last report. Every section shall be judge of its own 
members, but no expulsion from the whole party can be effected except as provided for by 
the constitution. No person can be a member of two sections at the same time. 

Amendments to the Constitution. Paragraph 3, division 4, under "Sections." First amend- 
ment, adopted December i6th by a general election : In addition to one section (composed 
of men of each language of any locality) there may also be organized one section of women 
under the same regulations as the others. Second amendment, adopted July 15: Article i, 
paragraph 4, is amended to read : "For the Congress to be held in the year 1887, the ex- 
penses of each delegate will be borne by the section or sections represented by him." 

During the winter of 1876 the excitement on the possible outcome of the 
national election prostrated business throughout the country. There were 
even rumors and threats of bloody conflict. Capital naturally hesitated, and 
investments were confined to projects in which there was no element of 
chance and for which the returns were measurably certain. The Socialists 
of Chicago sought in every possible way to make the most of the situation 
by inflaming the minds of the unemployed against capital, and labored to 
secure proselytes by urging that such a state of affairs could never exist 
under Socialism. Meetings were held wherever either a hall or a vacant lot 
could be secured. A. R. Parsons, Philip Van Patten, George A. Schil- 
ling, T. J. Morgan and Ben Sibley, who had hitherto figured only before 
small street crowds, now became prominent as. speakers at large gatherings, 
and their harangues proved that they were apt students in the Socialistic 
school, and ready expounders of the proposed new social system. 

The Legislature of Illinois was in session at the time under review, and 
in March, 1877, the Socialist leaders entered into a discussion of the neces- 
sity of forcing that body to pass the bills then pending before it with refer- 
ence to the establishment of a bureau of statistics on wages and earnings, 
cost and manner of living, fatal accidents in each branch of labor and their 
causes, cooperation, hours of labor, etc., and for the collection of wages. 
They urged that the laboring classes should demand these measures and in- 
sisted that the "boss classes, the capitalistic classes, the aristocrats, who 
lived in riot and luxury on the fruit which labor had tilled and ought to en- 
joy," should not stand in the way of their passage. Time and again they 
rang the various changes on the "iniquity and inequalities of the present 
social system," and fairly howled themselves hoarse in declaring that " the 
Labor party was organized not only to destroy that system, but to secure a 
division of property, which Socialism demanded and was determined to 

Early in July, 1877, the firemen and brakemen of the Baltimore and 
Ohio Railroad began a strike at Baltimore against a reduction of wages. 
This strike soon reached Martinsburg, W. Va., and caused an immense 
blockade of freight traffic. The strikers finally grew so riotous that the 
local authorities were powerless, and President Hayes, being appealed to by 


the Governor of Maryland, issued a proclamation. United States troops 
were at the same time dispatched from Washington and Fort McHenry to 
the scene of disturbances, and order was finally brought out of chaos. 

Following close upon the heels of this strike came one on the Pennsyl- 
vania Railroad at Pittsburg, against an order doubling up trains and thus 
dispensing with a large number of employes. The railroad people, in 
explanation of their action, showed that during June preceding not only had 
there been a great depreciation of railroad stocks, but a shrinkage in the 
value of railroad property from 20 to 70 per cent., caused by a great falling- 
off in business. It is needless for the purpose of this chapter to recount 
the wild scenes of riot and bloodshed that ensued at Pittsburg, when troops 
numbering two thousand, sent from Philadelphia, engaged in deadly con- 
flict with the unbridled mob and when millions of dollars' worth of property 
was destroyed by the incendiary torch. 

While this carnival of fire, death and bloodshed still startled the world, 
a strike broke out in Chicago among railroad men. While the strikers 
here sought to contend in an orderly manner against their employers, the 
same element which had inspired and carried out deeds of violence in the 
East the Communists were not slow to seize upon the opportunity in 
Chicago to .widen the breach between capital and labor. Threats and riot- 
ous demonstrations were their weapons. They virtually took possession of 
all the large manufacturing establishments in the city, and by intimidation 
and force compelled men willing to work and satisfied with their wages to 
join their howling mobs. Not alone did they succeed in stopping freight 
traffic, but they clogged the wheels of industry in the principal factories and 
shops of the city. The leaders were active during the day directing the 
riotous movements of their followers, and at night they assembled to devise 
methods to increase the general turmeil. Their headquarters were at No. 
131 Milwaukee Avenue, and here all-night sessions were sometimes held. 
Proclamations were frequently sent out to workingmen, urging them to 
stand firmly in defense of their rights. 

The leading spirits at this time were Philip Van Patten, now of Cincin- 
nati, J. H. White, J. Paulsen and Charles Erickson, who constituted the 
executive committee of the Workingmen's Party, and A. R. Parsons and 
George Schilling. 

Some of the meetings referred to were quite stormy in character. 
Threats were made to "clean out" the police, and some speakers advised 
attacks on the guardians of the peace with stones, bricks and revolvers. The 
leaders were too cautious, however, to advise anything of the kind in their 
public declarations. Violence was reserved for the mobs on the inspiration 
of the moment, or at the instigation of trusted adherents at the proper time. 

That such were their intentions is apparent from a statement of one of 
the members, who said : 

THE RIOTS OF 1877. 61 

"To-morrow Chicago will see a big day, and no one can predict what 
will be the end of this contest." 

Sure enough, on the day following the 25th of July a conflict 
ensued between the police and strong mobs at the Halsted Street Viaduct 
and elsewhere, in which several of the rioters were injured. On the day 
following, the riots reached their culminating point, and between the 
police, infantry and cavalry the Communistic element were driven to their 
holes with many killed and wounded. That effectually terminated the 
reign of riot, and the city resumed its normal condition. The trouble in 
the East also subsided about the same time. 

The Communists, after this severe lesson, remained dormant for some 
months. Evidently they saw that the time had not arrived for the com- 
mencement of that revolution which they had at heart. In the fall of 1877 
they seem to have reached the conclusion that they would exchange the art 
of war for arts political. Accordingly, in October they were again to be 
found on the campaign stump for the first time since 1874. There were 
then four parties in the field, Democrats, Republicans, Industrials and 
Greenbackers, and this situation may have suggested a chance for the suc- 
cess of their ticket or an opportunity to secure concessions from the dom- 
inant parties that would result to their advantage. C. J. Dixon was then 
chairman of the "Industrial Party." This party claimed to seek redress 
for the grievances of workingmen without resorting to destruction of society 
or government, and if it had denied affiliation with the Socialists it might 
have become a factor in politics. It may be stated that for a time after the 
election Dixon held to his principles, but, a few years Tater became a repre- 
sentative in the Legislature of the Communistic element. 

The outcome of the political agitation of the Socialists that fall was the 
nomination of the following ticket : For County Treasurer, Frank A. Stau- 
ber ; County Clerk, A. R. Parsons ; Probate Clerk, Philip Van Patten ; 
Clerk of the Criminal Court, Tim O'Meara; Superintendent of Schools, 
John McAuliff ; County Commissioners, W. A. Barr, Samuel Goldwater, 
T. J. Morgan, Max Nisler and L. Thorsmark. For Judge, John A. Jameson, 
then on the bench, was indorsed, and Julius Rosenthal not a Socialist 
was nominated for Judge of the Probate Court. The election held on the 
8th of November showed some gains for the party. Omitting the "Indus- 
trials" which were swallowed up by the other parties in the way of "elec- 
tion trades," the Socialists secured a vote of 6,592 in the contest for the 
County Treasurership, while McCrea, Republican, polled a vote of 22,423 ; 
Lynch, Democrat, 18,388, and Hammond, Greenbacker, 769. 

In 1878 a session of the Congress was again held, and then it was decided 
to change the name of the " Workingmen's Party of the United States " to 
the "Socialistic Labor Party," and it was also resolved to "use the ballot- 
box as a means for the elevation of working people" and for "electing men 


from their own ranks to the halls of legislation and to the municipal govern- 

The different wards of Chicago were subsequently organized into ward 
clubs, each with a captain and secretary as permanent officers for a year. 
It was made the duty of the captain of a ward to find halls for public meet- 
ings and to report to the central committee. He was to open the meetings 
in his ward and see that a chairman was chosen from among those attend- 
ing. The duty of. the secretary was to issue cards of membership to new 
members, to collect monthly dues of ten cents from each member, and to 
receipt for the same on the back of the cards ; he was also to keep minutes 
of the meetings and have them published in the party papers. The captain 
was authorized to appoint a precinct captain for every precinct in his ward, 
whose duty it was to control the distribution of tickets at elections. The 
precinct captain was also directed to appoint lieutenants in his precinct, 
one for each block if possible, to assist him in the work of agitation and the 
distribution of tickets. 

Under the plans formulated by the Socialistic Congress a central commit- 
tee was again organized in the city of Chicago. It was composed of a 
chairman, a secretary and a treasurer, who were elected by a joint meeting 
of the different sections every six mqpths. In 1878 there were four sections 
in Chicago one German, one English, one French and one Scandinavian. 
The German section had the largest number of members, between three 
and four hundred, and was steadily gaining. The English section num- 
bered only about one hundred and fifty. The Scandinavian branch had 
about an equal number. The French only mustered fifty members. Dur- 
ing a campaign the ward captains were made members of the central 
committee. They were charged with the duty of reporting the progress of 
the ward clubs, notifying the committee where halls had been rented and 
indicating what speakers were needed. It was the duty of the central 
committee to advertise all club meetings, pay for the halls rented when the 
clubs could not pay, and settle all bills and expenses incident to an election. 
The committee was the only body authorized to order the printing of tickets, 
and for all their acts they were held responsible to the "Socialistic Labor 
Party." The money needed to defray expenses was raised mostly through 
subscriptions and collections in the various clubs. The meetings of the 
committee were conducted openly. Representatives of the press were per- 
mitted to be present if at any prior meeting they had not purposely dis- 
torted the proceedings. During the years 1878 and 1879 the meetings of 
the committee were generally held in a hall on the second floor of No. 7 
South Clark Street. 

With an organization thus perfected under the plan of the Socialistic 
Congress, the Socialists felt themselves in condition to cope with the other 
parties. They saw in the vote of 1877 a chance for seating some of their 












members in the City Council, and set out to talk politics at all their gather- 
ings for the spring of 1878. On the I5th of March of that year they held a 
convention at No. 45 North Clark Street, and put up a ticket for Aldermen 
in all the wards except the Eleventh and Eighteenth, and for the various 
town offices in the three divisions of Chicago. Inasmuch as the "old 
timber" was worked over for these various offices, it is needless to repeat 
names. Their platform reiterated the demands made in the first declaration 
of principles, and, in addition, asked for the establishment of public baths 
in each division of the city ; extension of the school system ; annulment of 
the gas and street-car companies' charters, the same to be operated by the 
city after payment to the owners of principal and interest on moneys actually 
invested, out of the profits ; prompt payment of taxes, and employment for 
all residents of the city that needed it. 

During the campaign incident to the election, Paul Grottkau, then a 
recent arrival from Berlin, proved a conspicuous figure and made a number 
of stirring appeals. He expounded the principles of Socialism and inva r i- 
ably wound up by characterizing the members of the Democratic an<A 
Republican parties as "liars and horse-thieves." Through his Active par- 
ticipation in the Socialistic movement in Chicago Grottkau became editor of 
the Arbeiter-Zeitung, but, fortunately for himself, was displaced in 1880 by 
August Spies. 

The election of April, 1878, resulted in placing one member in the City 
Council Stauber, from the Fourteenth Ward. 

This was the first political victory the Socialists had achieved in the city, 
and, having noticed a small but steady increase in their voting force, they 
proceeded to organize and agitate more diligently than ever before in a 
political way. Meanwhile they saw the growing strength of the State 
militia, and as an offset to the organization of the various military com- 
panies in Chicago they determined to raise and equip companies from 
their own ranks. They had begun in a quiet way to start the nucleus of 
military companies some time after the First Regiment had been organized, 
but it was not until 1878 that it became generally known that they had men 
armed and drilled in military tactics, to be marshaled against society upon 
a favorable opportunity. In the early part of 1878 the very flower and 
strength of their military was the Lehr und Wehr Verein, composed of 
picked men and veterans who had been baptized with fire on European 
battlefields. Its strength was variously estimated at from four to six 
thousand, but it never exceeded four hundred members. The "Jaeger 
Verein," the "Bohemian Sharpshooters" and the "Labor Guard of ths 
Fifth Ward," each with no more than fifty members, were auxiliary organ- 
izations and composed mainly of raw recruits. Their instruction in the 
manual of arms was mainly given by Major Presser, a trained and skilled 
European tactician. 


Meantime the party had been greatly strengthened by the aid of news- 
papers printed in its interest. In 1874, Die Volks-Zeitung\&& been started 
by a stock company called the Social-Democratic Printing Association. 
This paper was published at No. 94 South Market Street, with Mr. Brucker 
as editor. Shortly thereafter, the Vorbote, a weekly paper, was started 
under the auspices of the Workingmen's Party at the same number. C. 
Conzett, formerly a resident of Berne, Switzerland, became its editor. He 
subsequently bought out the Volks-Zeitung and thereafter published a tri- 
weekly paper under the name of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, which became a 
private enterprise in the interest of workingmen. His assistant editor was 
Gustav Leiser. They made the paper an advocate of revolutionary 
methods and urged the organization of trades-unions. They encouraged 
strikes and held that only through such means could workingmen secure 
their rights. They published without charge all grievances of laboring 
men on the score of non-payment of wages and abuses of manufacturing 
concerns, but each article had the full name of the writer. At first the 
editors did not favor a resort to the ballot-box to remedy grievances. It 
was not until after the great railroad strike of July, 1877, that they advo- 
cated an organized fight in elections independently of the old parties. The 
workingmen, they urged, must elect men of their own in order to secure 
favorable legislation. 

I ( n 1878 an English weekly called the Socialist was started under the 
auspices of the main section of the Socialistic Labor Party of Chicago. 
This main section was composed of the German, English, Scandinavian 
and French sections, and they employed Frank Hirth as editor at a salary 
of $15 per week and A. R. Parsons as assistant at a salary of $12 per week. 
This paper was made the organ in the English language of the Socialistic 
Labor Party, and, while it made some headway at the start, it succumbed 
within a year, owing to jealousies and differences of opinion between the 
German and English sections. 

About the time the Socialist was established another paper was put in 
the field by the Scandinavian section. It was called Den Nye Tid, and was 
edited by Mr. Peterson. 

In 1878 the proprietor of the Arbeiter-Zeitung signified a willingness to 
sell his paper to the Socialistic Labor Party, and, in o^der to consummate 
the transfer, the main section held a meeting in May of that year at Stein- 
mueller's Hall, No. 45 North Clark Street. Plans were then and there ma- 
tured for its purchase. It was decided to borrow the money and issue notes 
at 6 per cent, interest, payable as soon as the treasury had secured enough 
from collections and other sources to take them up. Collectors were 
appointed for each division of the city, and they were directed to collect 
money from workingmen and storekeepers. On the evening of June 29, 
1878, a meeting was held at No. 7 South Clark Street, and the reports 


showed that enough money had been raised to purchase the Arbeiter-Zeitung. 
Subsequently a general meeting was held and a society was organized called 
the " Socialistische Druckgesellschaft." A board of trustees was chosen, 
and they applied to the Secretary of State for a charter. That official 
declined to issue the charter because the name of the society was in German. 
Another meeting was held at No. 54 West Lake Street, and the name was 
changed to the "Socialistic Publishing Company," after which the charter 
was readily secured. The paper was then transferred by Herr Conzett to the 
new company, and subsequently the managers added a Sunday edition called 
Die Fackel. Paul Grottkau, formerly editor of the Berlin Freie Presse, was 
appointed editor under the new management at a salary of $15 per week, 
and F. J. Pfeiffer, of Chicago, was made assistant editor. The society 
which now had charge of the paper was composed of bona fide members 
of the German section. Their meetings were conducted in the same 
manner as those of the Socialistic Labor Party. The price of the Arbeiter- 
Zeitung was reduced, and all money realized from its sale over and above 
expenses was applied for purposes of agitation. While the paper was 
reported in a prospering condition, it was decided to take steps to pay off 
its indebtednes as represented by the outstanding notes, and to this end a 
grand festival was to be held, the proceeds of which should be devoted to 
the press fund. Some trouble was experienced in getting a hall large 
enough for the purpose. The Exposition Building was finally decided upon, 
and it was secured without much delay, with results as noted further along 
in this chapter. 

Soon after the Socialist had expired, the members of the Workingmen's 
Party felt the need of an English organ, and, having meanwhile come to a 
better understanding, they decided that they would make another effort to 
put one before the people. The result of several conferences was a monster 
picnic at Wright's Grove on the i6th of June, 1878. The procession formed 
to make the occasion imposing numbered about three thousand, and side by 
side with the American flag was borne the red banner of Anarchy. This 
emblem, although it finally crowded out the "stars and stripes," had 
hitherto been reserved in public demonstrations for a minor place. Some of 
the mottoes displayed on this occasion ran as follows : " No Rich, no Poor 
All Alike." "No Monopolies All for One and One for All. " " Land belongs 
to Society," and "No Masters, no Slaves." 

The result of the picnic was that the Alarm was established, and A. R. 
Parsons became its editor on a weekly allowance of $5, subsequently raised 
to $8. 

In the fall campaign of 1878 we find the Socialists again in the field with 
a full ticket for Congressmen, the Legislature and local offices. Former 
party platforms were reaffirmed, and mass-meetings to fire the hearts of 
workingmen were frequently held. At these gatherings capitalists were 



denounced as usual, and the police came in for some attention. The cam- 
paign song was also introduced, and the chorus of one, rendered by an 
untamed troubadour named W. B. Creech, and referring to the police, ran 

after this style, to the air of " Peeler and Goat " : 

Then raise your voices, workingmen, 
Against such cowardly hirelings, O ! 

Go to the polls and slaughter them 
With ballots, instead of bullets, O ! 

One Dr. Mclntosh could always be de- 
pended on for grinding out any quantity of 
doggerel of this kind for any occasion. 
The Socialists claimed that they 
would poll on the day of election 
Nov. 5th from 9,000 to 13,000 votes. 
Their calculations, like their utter- 
ances, were wild and wide of the 
mark, however, as their candidate for 
Sheriff, Ryan, only secured 5,980 
votes, while Hoffman, Republican, 
had 16,592 ; Kern, Democrat, 16,586, 
and Dixon, Greenbacker, 4,491. They 
secured, however, a member of the State Senate, Sylvester Artley, and three 
members of the lower house of the Legislature Leo Meilbeck, Charles, 
Ehrhardt and Christian Meier. This gave them great confidence, and they 
pushed with greater vigor than ever their 
political work. Meetings were kept up 
throughout the winter, and, among other 
things, they discussed measures which they 
demanded from the Legislature in the in- 
terest of labor. These demands included 
reducing the hours of labor; the establish- 
ment of a bureau of labor statistics ; abolish- 
ment of convict labor ; sanitary inspection 
of food, dwellings, factories, work-shops and 
mines ; abolition of child labor ; liability of 
employers for all accidents to employes 
through the employers' neglect, and prior- 
ity of demands for wages over all other 
claims. They found time also to give their 
attention to their brethren in Europe, and 
at a meeting held Sunday, January 19, 
1879, they adopted resolutions denouncing 
Bismarck for persecutions of workingmen in MAX HOEDEL 


Germany. The pretext for these persecutions, they claimed, grew out of 
the attempts on the life of Emperor William by Hoedel and Dr. Nobiling. 
The would-be assassins, they confessed, had once been Socialists, but at the 
time of the attack had had nothing in common with the order. Hoedel, 
they said, had been expelled, and had subsequently joined the " Christian 
Socialistic Party," which they asserted had the favor of the Government, 
and at the head of which was a Government official. They claimed 
that Hoedel had been instigated to the deed by the German court, and 
they even doubted that he had been beheaded in expiation of his 
crime. Hoedel, they said, had been simply an instrument in the hands of 
Bismarck, who wanted a pretext to persecute the Socialists and secure the 
passage of a bill in the Reichstag for their suppression. Under the provis- 
ions of that bill, they asserted, men, women and children were thrown into 
dungeons without trial, and they insisted that the Congress of the United 
States should voice their protest against such persecutions. 

At nearly every large meeting held during the winter in question, Creech 
was to the front with new songs, among one the chorus of which ran thus : 

Raise aloft the crimson banner, emblem of the free ; 
Mighty tyrants now are trembling, here and o'er the sea. 

On the evening of March 22, 1879, they held the celebration in the Expo- 
sition Building already referred to. This was ostensibly in commemora- 
tion of the establishment of the Paris Commune in 1848 and again in 1871. 
The real purpose, however, was to obtain funds to defray the expenses 
incident to the coming spring campaign and to aid in making a daily out of 
their tri- weekly organ, the Arbeiter-Zeitung. There were from 20,000 to 
25,000 people in the building, and the amount reported realized reached 
$4,500. There was speech-making by Dr. Ernst Schmidt, A. R. Parsons, 
Paul Grottkau, and lesser lights, and the various military companies of the 
organization strutted about in their uniforms, with belts, cartridge-boxes, 
bayonet scabbards and breech-loading Remingtons. 

With part of the proceeds of this celebration, the Socialists fitted up 
campaign headquarters in a top-story room on the northeast corner of 
Madison and La Salle Streets, in the very heart of the business center. 
Their ticket covered all the offices from Mayor io Aldermen. The only new 
names that figured on this ticket were those of N. H. Jorgensen, J. J. 
Alpeter, Robert Buck, Henry Johnson, Max Selle, George Brown, R. 
Lorenz, James Lynn and R. Van Deventer. The election occurred on the 
ist of April, 1879, and their candidate for Mayor, Dr. Schmidt, secured 
11,829 votes, while Carter H. Harrison, Democrat, scored 25,685, and A. M. 
Wright, Republican, 20,496. They elected three Aldermen, however 
Alpeter from the Sixth Ward, Lorenz from the Fourteenth, and Meier, then 
in the Legislature, from the Sixteenth, which made, with Stauber, four 
representatives in the City Council, 


With the inauguration of Carter Harrison's administration, a good deal 
of attention was given to the Socialists by him as well as by his Democratic 
co-laborers. Some of their men were given employment in the departments 
of the city. Although they still continued their agitation, these appoint- 
ments and other favors had the effect of undermining their political 

In the next Mayoralty election they made a show of keeping up their 
organization and nominated George Schilling for Mayor and Frank Stauber 
for City Treasurer. But in the election held April 5th, 1881, the former only 
polled 240 votes, and Stauber 1,999, thus demonstrating an almost complete 
collapse of the party. 

This virtually took them out of politics. Thenceforward the Socialists 
^_________^_^_^___^__ seem to have decided to abandon the 

ballot-box, and to rely on force only for 
the attainment of their objects. Accord- 
ingly their harangues were directed to 
the dissemination of the doctrines of 
revolution. They endeavored still, it is 
true, to maintain a representation in the 
City Council, but in 1884 the Socialistic 
element was entirely eliminated from 
that body. 

At the session of the Congress of 
the International Workingmen's Asso- 
ciation held at Pittsburg from the i4th 
to the 1 6th of October, 1883, there was 
a- large delegation of Chicago Anarch- 
ists. A question arose as to the use of 
the ballot for remedying the wrongs of 
the laboring people. The delegates 

CARTER H. HARRISON. , TD u- <- J 4.1, 

from Baltimore insisted that recourse 

should be had to the ballot-box, but those from Pittsburg were of another 
mind, and favored something stronger. This suggestion gave the Anarch- 
ist contingent from Chicago an opportunity to come to the front, and, while 
some of these did not hold to extreme measures, they all agreed that the 
ballot-box only served to keep capitalistic representatives in office. The 
radical Chicago element went still further, holding that the theory of 
Karl Marx, the use of force, was the correct one, and that that force should 
be dynamite. But here a split occurred in their own delegation, the milder 
ones holding to the theory of Lassalle, that they should first give the 
ballot a thorough trial and use force only in the event of failure. The sen- 
timent of the convention predominated in favor of force, and the conserva- 
tive Anarchists ceased to be members. 


The controversy thus begun was carried back to Chicago, and the radi- 
cals set themselves strenuously to work to bring their disaffected associates 
to the advocacy of dynamite. The members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein 
were particularly opposed to the use of the bomb. They had equipped 
themselves and drilled in the use of guns so as to be able to meet the police 
and militia after failure at the polls, and they contended that men carrying 
bombs would be apt, through lack of experience, to hurt themselves as much 
as their opponents. Men thoroughly drilled in the handling of a gun, they 
argued, could accomplish something, and to that end every one should be 
instructed in military tactics. The radicals of the various "groups" did 
not believe in guns, however, and held that, inasmuch as they had experi- 
mented with dynamite with some success, they should adopt it as a means of 
warfare. They finally brought all to their ideas, and from that time to the 
present they have given the subject of dynamite and explosives a great 
deal of study. 

As indicating the sense of the Pittsburg Congress their plan of organiza- 
tion and resolutions are here given: 

The name of the organization shall be " International Workingmen's Association." 

1. The organization shall consist of federal groups which recognize the principles laid 
down in the manifesto and consider themselves bound by them. 

2. Five persons shall have the right to form a group. 

3. Each group shall have complete independence (autonomy) and shall further have the 
right to conduct the propaganda in accordance with its own judgment, but the same must 
not collide with the fundamental principles of the organization. 

4. Each group may call itself by the name of its location. When there is more than one 
group, they shall be numbered. 

5. In places where there is more than one group it is recommended that a general com- 
mittee be formed to secure united action. Such committees shall, however, have no execu- 
tive power. 

6. A Bureau of Information shall be created at Chicago and shall consist of a secretary 
of each of the groups of different languages. It is the duty of such bureau to keep an exact 
list of all the groups belonging to the organization and to keep up correspondence with and 
between the domestic and foreign groups. 

7. Groups intending to join the organization must, after they have recognized its prin- 
ciples, send their application and list of members to the groups located nearest to them, 
whose duty it is then to forward such application to the Bureau of Information. The groups 
shall send a report of the situation to the Bureau of Information at least every three 

8. A Congress can be called at any time by a majority of the groups. 

9. All the necessary expenses of the Bureau of Information shall be met by voluntary 
contributions of the groups. 

Plan for the Propaganda. The organization of North America shall be divided into nine 
districts of agitation, as follows; i. Canada. 2. District of Columbia. 3. The Eastern 
States (Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New 
York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland). 4. The Middle States (Ohio, 
West Virginia, Indiana, Kentucky, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Illinois). 5. The Western 
States (Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota, Nebraska, Dakota, Kansas, Indian Territory and New 
Mexico). 6. The Rocky Mountain States (Colorado, Montana, Idaho Territory, Utah and 


Nevada). 7. The Pacific Coast States. 8. The Southern States (Virginia, North Caro- 
lina., South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Tennessee, Mississippi, Arkansas, Louisi- 
ana and Texas. ) 9. Mexico. 

It is recommended to the several districts to organize general district committees for the 
purpose of more effective and united action. It is the duty of these general committees to 
provide that whenever practicable agitators shall be sent forth. If there is a lack of proper 
agitators in a district the general committee shall inform the Bureau of Information. This 
shall be done also when there is a surplus of workers, so that the bureau shall be able to- 
bring about an equal distribution of the working elements. 

The expenses of the traveling agitators shall be paid by local groups, or, when these are 
without means, by the general organization. 

Resolutions. The following resolutions were offered by A. R. Parsons : 

" In consideration that the protection capitalists are men who, by excluding the cheap 
products of labor of competing countries, intend to make enormous profits, while the free- 
trade capitalists intend to make just as large profits by the sale of the cheap products of 
labor of other countries ; and 

' ' In consideration that the only difference between the two is this : That the one wants 
to import the products of cheap foreign labor, while the others consider it of greater advan- 
tage to import the cheap labor itself of other countries ; and 

" In consideration that it is a great injustice to tax by a protective tariff a whole people for 
the benefit of a few privileged capitalists or of branches of industry : Be it, therefore, 

"Resolved, That we, the International Workingmen's Association, consider the protec- 
tive tariff and free trade questions capitalistic questions, which have not the least interest for 
wage-workers questions which are intended ro confuse and mislead the workingman. The 
fight on both sides is only one for the possession of the robbed products of labor. The 
question whether there should be a protective tariff or free trade are political questions, 
which for some time past have divided governments and nations into opposing factions, but 
which, as already said, do not contribute toward the solution of social questions. The 
adage, Polvere negll occhi (throwing dust in the eyes), expresses the intentions of both parties. 

' ' In consideration that we see in trades-unions advocating progressive principles the 
abolishment of the wage system the corner-stone of a better and more just system of soci- 
ety than the present ; and 

' ' In consideration, further, that these trades~-unions consist of an army of robbed and dis- 
inherited fellow-sufferers and brothers, called to overthrow the economic establishments of 
the present time for the purpose of general and free cooperation : Be it, therefore, 

"Resolved, That we, the I. W. M. A., proffer the hand of fellowship to them, and give 
them our sympathy and help in their fight against the ever-growing despotism of private 
capital ; and 

" Resolved, That while we give such progressive trades-unions our fullest sympathy and 
assure them of every assistance in our power, we are, on the other hand, determined to fight 
and, if possible, to annihilate every organization given to reactionary principles, as these are 
the enemies of the emancipation of the workingmen, as well as of humanity and of progress. 

" In consideration that the courts of arbitration for settlement of differences between the 
workingmen and their employers, without the fundamental condition of free and independent 
action on both sides, are simply contrary to reason ; and 

" In consideration that a free settlement between the rich and the poor is impossible since 
the wage-worker has but the choice to obey or to starve ; and 

" In consideration that arbitration is possible and just only in case both parties are so 
situated that they can accept or refuse an offer entirely of their own free will : Be it, therefore, 

"Resolved, That arbitration between capital and labor is to be condemned. Wage- 
workers ought never to resort to it." 


After expressions of sympathy for the striking coal-miners in Dubois, 
Pa., who were advised to arm themselves for defense against the bandits of 
order, the resolutions proceed : 

' ' In consideration that our brothers and fellow combatants in the Old World are engaged 
in a terrible struggle against our common foe, the crowned and uncrowned despots of the 
world, the church and priestcraft, and thousands of them are languishing in prison and in 
Siberia and are suffering in exile : Be it, therefore, 

"Resolved, That we tender these heroic martyrs our sympathies, encouragement and aid. 
"In consideration that there is no material difference existing between the aims of the 
I. W. M. A. and the Socialistic Labor Party : Be it, therefore, 

"Resolved, That we invite the members of the S. L. P. to unite with us on the basis of 
the principles laid down in our manifesto for the purpose of a common and effective propa- 

Issued by order of the Pittsburg Congress of the International Workingmen's Asso- 
ciation. For further information apply to the undersigned "Bureau of Information." 

Secretary of the English language, AUG. SPIES. 
Secretary of the German language, PAUL GROTTKAU. 
Secretary of the French language, WM. MEDOW. 
Secretary of the Bohemian language, J. MIKOLANDA. 
No. 107 Fifth Avenue, Chicago. 

In accordance with pre-arranged plans, therefore, when the street-car 
riots occurred on the West Division Railroad in the summer of 1885, the 
Anarchists and Socialists of Chicago took a prominent part and did every- 
thing in their power to create a bloody conflict between the police and the 
strikers. In 1886, when the laboring classes of Chicago had decided to 
strike on the ist of May for eight hours as a day's work, they came forward 
and resolved to strike a blow which would terrorize the community and 
inaugurate the rule of the Commune. How they went to work in that 
direction and how they succeeded is fully shown in succeeding chapters. 


Socialism, Theoretic and Practical Statements of the Leaders Ven- 
geance on the ' ' Spitzels " The Black Flag in the Streets Resolutions in the Alarm 
The Board of Trade Procession Why it Failed Experts on Anarchy Parsons, Spies, 
Schwab and Fielden Outline their Belief The International Platform Why Commun- 
ism Must Fail A French Experiment and its Lesson The Law of Averages Extracts 
from the Anarchic Press Preaching Murder Dynamite or the Ballot-Box? "The 
Reaction in America " Plans for Street Fighting Riot Drill and Tactics Bakounine 
and the Social Revolution Twenty-one Statements of an Anarchist's Duty Herways' 
Formula Predicting the Haymarket The Lehr und Wehr Verein and the Supreme 
Court The White Terror and the Red Reinsdorf, the Father of Anarchy His 
Association with Hoedel and Nobiling Attempt to Assassinate the German Emperor 
Reinsdorf at Berlin His Desperate Plan "Old Lehmann " and the Socialist's Dag- 
ger The Germania Monument An Attempt to Kill the Whole Court A Culvert 
Full of Dynamite A Wet Fuse and no Explosion Reinsdorf Condemned to Death 
His Last Letters Chicago Students of his Teachings De Tocqueville and Socialism. 

THE Constitution of the United States guarantees the right of free 
speech, free discussion and free assemblage. These are the cardinal 
doctrines of our free institutions. But when liberty is trenched upon to 
the extent of advocacy of revolutionary methods, subversion of law and 
order and the displacement of existing society, Socialism places itself be- 
yond the pale of moral forces and arrays itself on the side of the freebooter, 
the bandit, the cut-throat and the traitor. Public measures and public men 
are open to the widest criticism consistent with truth, decency and justice, 
but differences of opinion are no more to be brought into harmony through 
blood than the settlement of private disputes is to be effected by means of 
the bludgeon, the knife or the bullet. The freedom of speech which is val- 
uable either to the individual or to humanity is that which builds up, not 
destroys, society. 

Now, what does Socialism, or Anarchy, precisely teach, and at what does 
it aim ? It is true, there are two schools of Socialism one conservative and 
the other radical to a sanguinary degree ; one seeking a change in existing 
society and government through enlightenment, and the other the attain- 
ment of the same principles through force. But the conservatives form so 
small a portion of the Socialistic body that they cut no figure in the general 
direction and management of the organization ; and so far as relates to the 
visible manifestations of that body, Socialism in the United States may be 
regarded as synonymous with Anarchy. 

As I have shown, the ostensible object of the organization in Chicago, as 
elsewhere, at the outset, was peaceful, but the ulterior aim the establish- 
ment of Socialism through force, when sufficiently powerful in numbers 
has in later years clearly developed. The early Socialist orators only 




hinted at force as a possible factor in the social revolution they advocated, 
and it was reserved for the active agitators of the past ten years to boldly 
and openly proclaim for the methods of the Paris Commune. 

Before proceeding to particulars as to the utterances of Anarchist 
leaders, the sources of their inspiration and their definition of Socialism, 
it may be well to advert to some incidents in connection with their 
movements as a revolutionary party. One incident specially worthy of 
mention was a meeting held at Mueller's Hall, corner of Sedg- 

wick Street and North Avenue, on the evening of i January 12, 1885. 
It was a secret gathering, but, despite Socialistic jujfuk vigilance, Officer 
Michael Hoffman managed to re- .^__.. 
main and quietly note the drift of 
the speeches. Parsons first took 
the floor, and said : 

Gentlemen, before we call this meeting 
to order, I want you to be sure that we are 
all right and all one. I want you to see 
if there are any reporters or policemen pres- 
ent. See if you can discover any spies. 
If you find any one here, you can do with 
him as you please, but my advice to you 
is, take him and strangle him and then 
throw him out of the window ; then let the 
people think that the fellow fell out. And 
if you should give one of them a chance 
for his life, tell him, if he has any more 
notions to come to our meetings, he should 
first go to St. Michael's Church, see the 
priest and prepare himself for death, say 
farewell to all his friends and family 
and then let him enter. I want all these 
people to know that I am not afraid of 
them ; I don't like them, and let them stay 
away from me. 


From a Photograph. 

After precautions had been taken 
to exclude objectionable persons, the proceedings began. Four speeches 
were delivered, two in English and two in German. Parsons confined his 
remarks to the capitalists. All present were poor, he said, and they only 
had themselves to blame. One-half of all the wealth in the country belonged 
to the poor people, but the capitalists had robbed them of it. The poor 
offered no resistance, and yet the capitalist was doing the same thing day 
after day. He was getting richer, and the poor poorer, because the work- 
ing people lay down and permitted themselves to be robbed. He re- 
counted some of Most's experiences, and insisted that capitalists must 
submit to workingmen. They must be shown that their lives are worth 
no more than the lives of the working people. 

7 6 


He next touched upon the merits of a new invention by which, he said, 
many hundreds of houses could be set on fire, and exhibited a small tin box 
or can with a capacity of four ounces. This can, he remarked, could be 
filled with some chemical stuff to serve as an explosive. A great many of 
these cans could be carried in a basket, and, traveling around as match ped- 
dlers or under some other guise, his hearers could secure entrance to the 
houses of capitalists. All they would then be obliged to do was to either 
place or drop one of " those darlings" in a secure place and go about their 

business. It would do 
its work, without any 
one's presence to attend 
to it, in less time than 
an hour. If they would 
get the boxes ready, he 
would tell them where 
to get the "stuff." This 
plan of operations would 
keep the fire and police 
departments quite busy. 
If they organized and 
went to work with a 
resolute spirit, they 
could have things all 
their own way through- 
out the city and obtain 
possession of what re- 
mained after their work 
of destruction. He also 
urged all his comrades 
to become familiar with 
dynamite and said that 
for the necessary in- 
structions they could 
come to a building on 
Fifth Avenue (107, the offices of the Arbeiter-Zcitung and Alarni], where 
he and others could be found to help them. There was no other way now 
left, he continued, except for the laborers to use the sword, the bullet 
and dynamite, and, closing sententiously, he said : 

I probably will be hung as soon as I get out on the street, but if they do hang me, boys, 
don't forget what I have been telling you about the little can and the dear stuff, dynamite, 
because this is the only way I and you can get our rights. 

It goes without saying that Parsons was applauded to the echo. Another 
speaker emphasized his remarks about dynamite, but refrained from making 

From a Photograph. 


a speech, because, as he said, Parsons had "covered the ground so well and 
thoroughly." One of the German speakers gave his attention to King 
William and the Pope, scoring them in the strongest language he could com- 
mand. He held that the "police of Chicago were only kept to protect the 
property of capitalists and to club poor workingmen." 

Another event memorable in the history of the party was the flaunting of 
the black flag on the streets of Chicago for the first time. On that occasion 
-November 25, 1884, Thanksgiving Day they marched through the 
fashionable thoroughfares of the South and North Divisions, and, with two 
women as standard-bearers for the black and the red, they made it a point 
to halt before the residences of the wealthy, uttering groans and using 
threatening language. Their route included Dearborn Street to Maple on 
the North Side. There they massed in front of the residence of Hon. E. B. 
Washburne, ex-Minister to France. They pulled the door-bell and insulted 
the family by indulging in all sorts of noises, groans and cat-calls. They 
rested satisfied with this last exhibition, and retraced their steps, proceeding 
to Market Square, where they dispersed. 

The preliminaries leading up to the procession just described were thus 
given in the Alarm on the following Saturday : 


The Emblem of Hunger Unfolded by the Proletarians of Chicago. The Red Flag Borne Aloft 
by Thoiisands of Workingmen on Thanksgiving Day. The Poverty of the Poor is Created 
bv the Robbery of the Rich. Speeches, Resolutions and a Grand Demonstration of the Unem- 
ployed, the Tramps and Miserables of the City. Significant Incidents. 

Shortly before Thanksgiving Day some of the working people, lifter consultation, issued 
the following circular to wage- workers and tramps : 

The Governor has ordained next Thursday for Thanksgiving. You are to give thanks 
because your masters refuse you employment ; because you are hungry and without home 
or shelter, and your masters have taken away what you have created, and arranged to shoot 
you by the police or militia if you refuse to die in your hovels, in due observation of Law and 
Order. You must give thanks that you face the blizzards without an overcoat ; without fit 
shoes and clothes, while abundant clothing made by you spoils in the storehouses ; that you 
suffer hunger while millions of bushels of grain rots in the elevators. For this purpose a thanks- 
giving meeting will be held on Market Square at 2:30 o'clock, to be followed by a demonstration 
to express our thanks to our "Christian brothers on Michigan Avenue." Every one that feels 
the mockery of this Thanksgiving order should be present. Signed, the Committee of the 
Grateful Workingpeople's International Association. 

Thursday opened with sleet and rain, cold and miserable. At 2:30 over three thousand 
people assembled on Market Street, under the unpitying rain and sleet. A stranger said, 
"What you want is guns; you don't want to be heard talking." He was stopped for the 
regular arrangements. The meeting being called to order, A. R. Parsons said: "We assemble 
as representatives of the disinherited, to speak in the name of forty thousand unemployed 
workingmen of Chicago two millions in the United States and fifteen millions in the civilized 
world." He compared the Thanksgiving feast to that of Belshazzar, and said the champagne 
wrung from the blood of the poor ought to strangle the rich. He then read as follows : "St. 
James, chapter 5, says, ' Go to now, ye rich men, weep and howl for your miseries which 
are to come upon you. Your riches are corrupted, and your garments are moth-eaten. 
Your gold and silver is cankered ; and the rust of them shall be a witness against you, and 
shall eat your flesh as it were fire. Ye have heaped treasures together for the last days. 


Behold, the hire of the laborers who have reaped down your fields, which ye have kept back by 
fraud, crieth : Woe to them that bring about iniquity by law. ' The prophet Habakkuk says : 
'Woe to him that buildeth a town by blood, and establisheth a city by iniquity.' The 
prophet Amos says : ' Hear this, O ye that swallow up the needy, even to make the poor to 
fail from the land, that I may buy the poor for silver, and the needy for a pair of shoes. 1 
The prophet Isaiah says : ' Woe unto them that chain house to house, and lay field to field, till 
there is no place, that they may be alone in the midst of the earth. ' Solomon says : ' There 
is a generation that are pure in their own eyes, and yet is not washed of their filthiness ; a 
generation, O, how lifted are their eyes, and how their eyelids are lifted up : A generation 
whose teeth are as swords, and their jaw-teeth as knives, to devour the poor from off the 
earth, and the needy from among men. ' " 

And, concluding, he said : "We did not intend to wait for a future existence, but to do 
something for ourselves in this." 

He introduced S. S. Griffin, who said this was an international assembly in the interests 
of humanity, having no quarrel with each other and objecting to being set at work by gov- 
ernmental scheme. ' ' Don't believe that any government or system should be allowed to pit 
man against man, for any cause ; and to get at the root of these evils, we must go to the 
foundation of property rights and the wage system. The old system could not meet the 
demands of our present civilization. The present cry is against over-production, because it 
operates against humanity. Over-production, glutting the market, causes a lock-out, depriv- 
ing the wage class of the means of purchasing. Vacant houses stop the building industry, 
and result in throwing builders out of employment. Ragged because of a surplus of clothing ; 
homeless because of too many houses ; hungry because there is too much bread ; freezing 
because too much coal is produced. The system must be changed. Man can wear but one 
suit of clothes at a time and can consume only about so much. The genius of our age is 
inventing and increasing the productive power. A system that in effect tells the working 
classes that, the more they produce, the less they will have to enjoy, is a check on human prog- 
ress and cannot continue. Everything must be made free. No man should control what he 
has no personal use for. " 

Upon Mr. Parsons' call the resolutions were read, as follows : 

WHEREAS, We have outlived wage and property system ; and whereas, the right of prop- 
erty requires more effort to adjust it between man and man than to produce and distribute it : 

Resolved, That property rights should no longer be maintained or respected, and that 
all useless workers should be deprived of useless employment and required to engage in 
productive industry ; and as this is impossible under the payment system, 

Resolved, That no man shall pay for anything, or receive pay for anything, or deprive 
himself of what he may desire, that he finds out of use or vacant. 

Resolved, That whoever refuses to devote a reasonable amount of energy to the produc- 
tion or distribution of necessaries is the enemy of mankind and ought to be so treated ; and 
so of the willful waster. 

As this system cannot be introduced as against existing ignorance and selfishness without 
force, Resolved, That, when introduced, the good of mankind and the saving of blood requires 
that forcible opposition shall be dealt with summarily ; but that no one should be harmed for 
holding opposite opinions. 

Resolved, That our policy is wise, humane and practical and ought to be enforced at the 
earliest possible moment. 

As an expression of thankfulness, Resolved, That we are thankful we have learned the true 
cause of poverty and the remedies, and can only be more thankful when the remedy is applied. 

The next speaker was Samuel Fielden. He denounced the hypocrisy of calling upon 
people to thank God for prosperity, while providing no changes for the better, when so many 
people were in actual want in the midst of abundance. When he was a boy, his mother had 
taught him to say, ' ' Our Father who art in Heaven, " but so far as he knew, God remained 
there and would not come here until things were better arranged. " Our motto is, Liberty, 
Equality and Fraternity, emb r acing all men. Our international movement is to unite all 
countries and to do away with the robber class." 



August Spies spoke. Pointing to the black flag, he said it was the first time the emblem 
of hunger and starvation had been unfurled on American soil. He said we had got to strike 
down these robbers who were robbing the working people. 

In answer to a call from the Germans, Mr. Schwab spoke in German a few .minutes. A 
stranger said : " Get your guns out and go for them. That is all I have got to say." Three 
cheers were given for the social revolution. The audience then formed a procession three 
thousand strong. 

Another notable procession was on the evening of the opening of the 

new Board of Trade building. The 
Anarchists gathered in front of the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung office and were 
addressed by Parsons and Fielden. 
The speeches were highly inflam- 
matory. Parsons insisted that they 
ought to blow up the institution, 
and urged them to arm them- 
selves "to meet their oppressors 
with weapons." The Board of 
Trade, he said, was a robbers' 
roost, and they were reveling on 
the proceeds of the workingmen. 
"How many," he asked, "of my 
hearers could give twenty dollars 
for a supper to-night ? We will 
never gain anything by arguments 
and words. While those men are 
enjoying a sumptuous supper, work- 
ingmen are starving." He char- 
acterized the police as bloodhounds 
and servants of the robbing cap- 
italists, and suggested that the mob 
loot Marshall Field's dry-goods 
store and other places and secure 
such things as they needed. It was apparent that these sentiments appealed 
strongly to the inclinations of the assembled rabble, and when Parsons had 
concluded the mob was ready for an even more violent harangue. 

Fielden went as far as to urge the mob to follow him and rob those 
places, and, like Parsons, held that the Board of Trade building had been 
built out of money of which they had been robbed, and that all who trans- 
acted business in that place were "robbers, and thieves, and ought to be 

There were hundreds of tramps in the throng addressed, and naturally 
all allusions to capitalists as robbers, and all suggestions to plunder, were 
greeted with applause. A procession was formed, with Oscar W. Neebe, 

From a Photograph. 


Parsons and Fielden at the head, and with two women following next carry- 
ing the red and black flags. They marched down to the Board of Trade, 
but, arriving at the street leading to the building, a company of police 
headed them off. Thus balked, they had to content themselves with march- 
ing through the streets back to their starting-point, where they separated 
without further exhibition of violence than subsequently hurling a stone 
through the window of a carriage occupied by a prominent West Side resi- 
dent and his wife, whom they took to be a millionaire on his way to the 
Board of Trade reception. A tougher-looking lot of men than those who 
composed the procession it would be difficult to find, and, once started in 
the direction of violence at the building, there is no telling the extent of 
damage they might have inflicted. The toleration of such a parade by the 
municipal authorities was severely criticised by the community, for, had it 
not been for the action of the late Col. Welter, then Inspector of Police, in 
intercepting the procession, a serious riot would have occurred. 

Parsons, when asked subsequently why they had not blown up the Board 
of Trade building, replied that they had not looked for police interfer- 
ence and were not prepared. "The next time," he said, "we will be pre- 
pared to meet them with bombs and dynamite." Fielden reiterated the same 
sentiments and expressed the opinion that in the course of a year they 
might be ready for the police. 

Now WHAT is the Socialism or Anarchy they seek to establish ? In his 
speech before Judge Gary in the Criminal Court, when asked why sentence 
of death should not be imposed upon him, Anarchist Parsons, among other 
things, thus described the condition of affairs when Socialism should obtain 
sway : 

Anarchy is a free society where there is no concentrated or centralized power, no state, no 
king, no emperor, no president, no magistrate, no potentate of any character whatever. 
Law is the enslaving power of men. Blackstone defines the law to be a rule of action, pre- 
scribing what is right and prohibiting what is wrong. Now, very true. Anarchists hold 
that it is wrong for one person to prescribe what is the right action for another person, and 
then compel that person to obey that rule. Therefore, right action consists in each person 
attending to his business, and allowing everybody else to do likewise. Whoever prescribes a 
rule of action for another to obey is a tyrant, a usurper and an enemy of liberty. This is 
precisely what every statute does. Anarchy is the natural law, instead of the man-made 
statute, and gives men leaders in the place of drivers and bosses. All political law, statute 
and common, gets its right to operate from the statute ; therefore, all political law is statute 
law. A statute law is a written scheme by which cunning takes advantage of the unsuspect- 
ing, and provides the inducement to do so, and protects the one who does it. In other words, 
a statute is the science of rascality or the law of usurpation. If a few sharks rob mankind of 
all the earth, turn them all out of house and home, make them ragged slaves and beggars, 
and freeze and starve them to death, still they are expected to obey the statute because it is 
sacred. This ridiculous nonsense, that human laws are sacred, and that if they are not re- 
spected and continued we cannot prosper, is the stupidest and most criminal nightmare of 
the age. Statutes are the last and greatest curse of men, and, when destroyed, the world will 
be free. . . . The statute law is the great, science of rascality, by which alone the few 


trample upon and enslave the many. There are natural laws provided for every work of 
man. Natural laws are self-operating. They punish all who violate them, and reward all 
who obey them. They cannot be repealed, amended, dodged or bribed, and it costs neither 
time, money nor attention to apply them. It is time to stop legislation against them. We 
want to obey laws, not men, nor the tricks of men. Statutes are human tricks. The law 
the statute law is the coward's weapon, the tool of the thief. . . . Free access to the 
means of production is the natural right of every man able and willing to work. It is the 
legal right of the capitalist to refuse such access to labor, and to take from the laborer all the 
wealth he creates over and above a bare subsistence for allowing him the privilege of work- 
ing. A laborer has the natural right to life, and, as life is impossible without the means of 
production, the equal right to life involves an equal right to the means of production. . . . 
Laws just laws natural laws are not made ; they are discovered. Law-enacting is an 
insult to divine intelligence; and law-enforcing is the impeachment of God's integrity and His 

August Spies on the same memorable occasion gave his views of Social- 
ism in these words : 

Socialism is a constructive and not a destructive science. While capitalism expropriates 
the masses for the benefit of the privileged class ; while capitalism is that school of economics 
which teaches how one can live upon the labor (t. <?., property) of the other, Socialism 
teaches how all may possess property, and further teaches that every man must work 
honestly for his own living, and not be playing the respectable Board of Trade man, or any 
other highly too respectable business man or banker. Socialism, in short, seeks to establish 
a universal system of cooperation and to render accessible to each and every member of the 
human family the achievements and benefits of civilization, which, under capitalism, are 
being monopolized by a privileged class, and employed, not, as they should be, for the com- 
mon good of all, but for the brutish gratification of an avaricious class. Under capitalism, 
the great inventions of the past, far from being a blessing for mankind, have been turned 
into a curse ! Socialism teaches that machines, the means of transportation and communica- 
tion, are the result of the combined efforts of society, past and present, and that they are 
therefore rightfully the indivisible property of society, just the same as the soil and the mines 
and all natural gifts should be. This declaration implies that those who have appropriated 
this wealth wrongfully, though lawfully, shall be expropriated by society. The expropria- 
tion of the masses by the monopolists has reached such a degree that the expropriation of 
the expropriateurs has become an imperative necessity, an act of social self-preservation. 
Society will reclaim its own even though you erect a gibbet on every street-corner. And 
Anarchism, this terrible "ism," deduces that under a cooperative organization of society, 
under economic equality and individual independence, the "state" the political state 
will pass into barbaric antiquity. And we will be where all are free, where there are no 
longer masters and servants. Where intellect stands for brute force, there will no longer be 
any use for the policeman and militia to preserve the so-called "peace and order." Anarch- 
ism, or Socialism, means the reorganization of society upon scientific principles and the 
abolition of causes which produce vice and crime. 

Michael Schwab, in his utterances before the same tribunal, held as 
follows : 

Socialism, as we understand it, means that land and machinery shall be held in common 
by the people. The production of goods shall be carried on by producing groups which 
shall supply the demands of the people. Under such a system every human being would 
have an opportunity to do useful work, and no doubt would work. Some hours' work every 
day would suffice to produce all that, according to statistics, is necessary for a comfortable 
living. Time would be left to cultivate the mind and to further science and art. That is 


what Socialists propose. According to our vocabulary, Anarchy is a state of society in which 
the only government is reason. A state of society in which all human beings do right for the 
simple reason that it is right and hate wrong because it is wrong. In such a society no laws, 
no compulsion will be necessary. 

Samuel Fielden, standing before the same court, also dwelt upon Social- 
ism, saying : 

And it will be a good time, a grand day for the world ; it will be a grand day for humanity; 
it will never have taken a step so far onward toward perfection, if it can ever reach that 
goal, as it will when it accepts the principles of Socialism. They are the principles that 
injure no man. They are the principles that consider the interest of every one. They are 
the principles which will do away with wrong ; and injustice and suffering will be reduced at 
least to a minimum under such an organization of society. As compared to the present 
struggle for existence, which is degrading society and making men merely things and animals, 
Socialism will give them opportunities of developing the possibilities of their nature. 

The platform of the International Association of Workingmen, indorsed 
by the local organization, formulates the principles of Socialism as follows : 

1. Destruction of existing class domination, through inexorable revolution and international 

2. The building of a free society on communistic organizations or production. 

3. Free exchange of equivalent products through the productive organization without 
jobbing and profit-making. 

4. Organization of the educational system upon a non-religious and scientific and equal 
basis for both sexes. 

5. Equal rights for all, without distinction of sex or race. 

6. The regulation of public affairs through agreements between the independent com- 
munes and confederacies. 

The above was published in the Alarm of November i, 1884, with the 
following comment : 

Proletarians of all countries, unite. Fellow workmen, all we need for the achievement of 
this great end is organization and unity. 

There exists now no great obstacle to that unity. The work of peaceful education and 
revolutionary conspiracy will, can and ought to run in parallel lines. 

The day has come for solidarity. Join our ranks ! Let the drum beat defiantly the roll 
of battle ; workingmen of all lands, unite ! You have nothing to lose but your chains; you 
have a world to win. Tremble, oppressors of the world ! Not far beyond your purblind 
sight there dawn the scarlet and sable lights of the judgment day ! 

Such, in brief, are the aims of Socialism as expounded by its most 
extreme representatives. The state of society they seek to establish may 
be highly beneficial to a class which, under any conditions, lacks sobriety, 
frugality, thrift and self-reliance ; but just where the general mass of human- 
ity is to be bettered or elevated, socially, morally or politically, is a point not 
satisfactorily explained. Their theory may look well on paper, and their 
glittering generalities may draw adherents from the ranks of the illiterate 
and the vicious, but a condition of society in which there are no masters 
and no authority can only lead to chaos. In a society "in which all 
human beings do right for the simple reason that it is right," there can be 
neither stability nor permanence, unless human nature is recast, recon- 


strutted and regenerated. Human nature must be treated as it is found in 
the general make-up of man ; and therefore a society in which all special 
desires, all ambition and all self-elevation have been eliminated, precludes 
development and progress. It reduces everything to utter shiftlessness and 
stagnation. In such a society there can be no incentive to great achieve- 
ments in art, literature, mechanics or invention. If all are to be placed on 
an equal footing, the ignorant with the educated, the dullard with the 
genius, the profligate with the provident, and the drunken wretch with the 
industrious, what encouragement for special effort ? If vou " render accessi- 
ble to each and every member of the human family the achievements and 
benefits of civilization," holding "property in common," why should a man 
rack his brain or strain his muscles in producing something which he 
expects to prove remunerative to himself in some way, but which under the 
Socialistic state would go to the financial benefit of all ? Take away all 
incentive to improvement, and you make life scarcely worth the living. 
Where the state, or the "independent commune," is to be entrusted with 
the care and equal distribution of wealth and the employment of men, 
the individual will give little concern for the v morrow or for anything beyond 
his immediate wants. What need he accomplish more than his neighbor, 
since everything that is produced is shared jointly ? 

In the Socialistic society, every man might "work honestly for his own. 
living," as Spies declares, but what would be the inevitable result of a sys- 
tem in which the state or commune undertakes to see that all have employ- 
ment ? 

History does not leave us room for doubt. The various constitutions of. 
France recognized the right of the people to employment. It was provided 
in 1792 that it was the duty of society to afford such employment, and in 
the following year it was added that the remuneration of the laborer should 
be sufficient to support him. This doctrine was recognized until 1819, 
when it fell into "innocuous desuetude," and it was not revived until 1848- 
In that year a placard appeared on the dead walls of Paris, to the follow- 
ing effect : 

The Provisional Government of the French Republic guarantees existence to the laborer 
by labor. It guarantees labor to every citizen. It guarantees that laborers may associate to 
obtain the profits of their legitimate labor. 

In consequence of this proclamation the Government was appealed to, 
and national work-shops were established under the auspices of the Govern- 
ment. The establishments were open to all, but, as no one was specially 
interested in their financial success, they soon proved too great a drain upon 
the resources of the nation. Failure was the result. In the assignment 
of work at the factories, skill and fitness never entered into consideration. 
One workman was as good as another, and the men, so long as they had the 
Government at their back, with living guaranteed, did not bother much 


i. " Down with all Laws.'' ' 6. " Long live the Social Revolution ! " 


about the kind of article they produced. The result was that inferior goods 
were thrown upon the market, and purchasers were difficult to find. This 
speedily led to the closing of the work-shops, and since then the French 
Government has never maintained that society at large must operate work- 
shops for the benefit of all. Any commune that undertakes the same task 
again must similarly fail. 

Now, suppose that, in the new economic conditions, it should be deter- 
mined by the " independent communes " that wages should in a measure be 
fixed according to the skill, ability and energy of the workingmen, what 
sort of allotment would fall to the great body of workers? Edward Atkin- 
son, an accurate statistician of world-wide reputation, has furnished the 
public with a compilation showing what each would receive if the aggregate 
production in the United States were divided among its inhabitants. The 
annual production, he calculates, of all the industries of our country, does not 
exceed $200 per head of population. This would give a total of $12,000,000. 
If this were divided equally among families of five persons each, on a basis of 
a sixty-million population, each family would have $1,000 per annum. But, 
as I have said, suppose some families secure more than others, on account 
of greater efficiency, and that one-third of these families secure $2,000 each 
per annum. The remaining two-thirds would only secure an average of 
$500. "Suppose," it has been said, "one-half of this third to be fortunate 
enough, or skillful enough, to increase their average to $3,000. The remain- 
ing half continuing at $2,000, the average share of the two-thirds would 
fall to $250, or $50 only per head, per annum." 

As Prof. Barnard, dwelling upon the facts to be deduced from Atkin- 
son's showing, says: "Inasmuch as the idea of an average implies that as- 
many are below it as are above it, it is easy to see that the only way of 
removing the scourge of poverty from the entire human race is to increase 
the productiveness of labor so that want can only be a consequence of willful 
idleness, or improvidence, or vice." 

In the "wonderful readjustment" of wealth and the products of labor 
Socialists propose to inaugurate, there would be everywhere more misery, 
more poverty and more crime than the, people are now contending with in 
the purlieus of London and Paris. That there is room for improvement in 
the condition of our social state is true, but that changes for the better can 
be obtained by Socialism and by means of violence is false. These social 
as well as governmental improvements can only be brought about by peace- 
able means. Never by force, as the logic of events demonstrated in the 
Cook County Jail. There is no question that crack-brained theorists will 
continue to spring up and exist. They have existed in the past. The 
Babeufs, the Lassalles, the Fouriers and the Karl Marxes may continue to 
preach their one-sided ideas, but universal education in the United States 
and the general morality of the masses may be safely counted upon as a 


guaranty that neither the gospel of violence nor isolated cases of bloodshed 
will ever succeed in establishing exploded and ruinous theories of politics. 

AFTER the Socialists of Chicago had organized their military companies, 
it soon became evident that they intended to use their forces against organ- 
ized society, and as they paraded them before the community on all public 
occasions as a 
menace to good or- 
der, the Illinois Leg- 
islature in 1879 set- 
tled their stat us 
effectually by adopt- 
ing a law prohibit- 
ing armed forces in 
the State except 
those wi 11 ing to 
swear to support the 
institutions of the 
State as well as of 
the nation, or to be- 
come members of 
the State militia. It 
was also made a 
punishable offense 
for any body of men 
to assemble with 
arms, drill or parade 
within the State 
without authority. 
The Socialists were 
not seeking State 
honors, and they 
took an appeal to 


From a Photograph. The central figure is that of a man in the uniform of the 
Lehr und Wehr Verein. The reclining figure in foreground is Moritz 
Neff, proprietor of Neff's Hall. 

the State Supreme 

Court on the ground 

that the legislative 

act was unconstitutional. They were beaten, and accordingly forced to 

abandon their ten companies. 

From carrying arms, however, they soon turned their attention to the 
study of explosives. They began experiments at once, and some years 
later boldly urged their adherents to become adepts in the manufacture 
and use of the most approved explosive dynamite. 

In the Alarm of October 18, 1884, the following was published : 


One man armed with a dynamite bomb is equal to one regiment of militia, when it is used 
at the right time and place. Anarchists are of the opinion that the bayonet and Catling gun 
will cut but sorry part in the social revolution. The whole method of warfare has been 
revolutionized by latter-day discoveries of science, and the American people will avail them- 
selves of its advantages in the conflict with upstarts and contemptible braggarts who expect to 
continue their rascality under the plea of preserving law and order. 

The same paper, in its issue of November i, 1884, contained this pro- 
nunciamento : 

How can all this be done ? Simply by making ourselves masters of the use of dynamite, 
then declaring we will make no further claim to ownership in anything, and deny every other 
person's right to be the owner of anything, and administer instant death, by any and all 
means, to any and every person who attempts to continue to claim personal ownership in 
anything. This method, and this alone, can relieve the world of this infernal monster called 
the "right of property." 

Let us try and not strike too soon, when our numbers are too small, or before more of us 
understand the use and manufacture of the weapons. 

To avoid unnecessary bloodshed, confusion and discouragement, we must be prepared, 
know why we strike and for just what we strike, and then strike in unison and with all our 

Our war is not against men, but against systems ; yet we must prepare to kill men who 
will try to defeat our cause, or we will strive in vain. 

The rich are only worse than the poor because they have more power to wield this 
infernal "property right," and because they have more power to reform, and take less 
interest in doing so. Therefore, it is easy to see where the bloodiest blows must be dealt. 

We can expect but few or no converts among the rich, and it will be better for our cause 
if they do not wait for us to strike first. 

Again, on February 21, 1885, from the same paper : 

The deep-rooted, malignant evil which compels the wealth-producers to become the 
independent hirelings of a few capitalistic czars, can not be reached by means of the ballot. 

The ballot can be wielded by free men alone ; but slaves can only revolt and rise in insur- 
rection against their despoilers. 

Let us bear in mind the fact that here in America, as elsewhere, the worker is held in 
economic bondage by the use of force, and the employment of force, therefore, becomes a 
necessity to his economic preservation. Poverty can't vote ! 

In the same issue also appeared the following : 

Dynamite ! Of all the good stuff, this is the stuff. Stuff several pounds of this sublime 
stuff into an inch pipe (gas or water pipe), plug up both ends, insert a cap with a fuse 
attached, place this in the immediate neighborhood of a lot of rich loafers who live by the 
sweat of other people's brows, and light the fuse. A most cheerful and gratifying result 
will follow. In giving dynamite to the downtrodden millions of the globe science has 
done its best work. The dear stuff can be carried in the pocket without danger, while it is 
a formidable weapon against any force of militia, police or detectives that may want to 
stifle the cry for justice that goes forth from the plundered slaves. It is something not very 
ornamental, but exceedingly useful. It can be used against persons and things. It is better 
to use it against the former than against bricks and masonry. It is a genuine boon for the 
disinherited, while it brings terror and fear to the robbers. A pound of this good stuff beats 
a bushel of ballots all hollow, and don't you forget it ! Our law-makers might as well try to 
sit down on the crater of a volcano or a bayonet as to endeavor to stop the manufacture and 
use of dynamite. It takes more justice and right than is contained in laws to quiet the 
spirit of unrest. 


In the Arbeiter-Zeitung of March 19, 1886, appeared the following, 
after many articles had been previously published of the same tenor as 
those in the Alarm : 

The only aim of the workingman should be the liberation of mankind from the shackles 
of the existing damnable slavery. Here, in America, where the workingman possesses yet 
the freedom of meeting, of speech, and of the press, most should be done for the emancipa- 
tion of suffering mankind. But the press gang and the teachers in the schools do all in their 
power to keep the people in the dark. Thus everything tends to degrade mankind more and 
more, from day to day, and this effects a " beastening, " as is observable with Irishmen, and 
more apparent, even, with the Chinese. 

If we do not soon bestir ourselves for a bloody revolution, we can not leave anything to 
our children but poverty and slavery. Therefore prepare yourselves, in all quietness, for 
the revolution. 

The following extracts are from the first number of the Anarchist, 
Engel's paper, dated January i, 1886, with the motto/ "All government we 
hate" : 

Workingmen and fellows : We recognize it our duty to contend against existing rule, 
but he who would war successfully must equip himself with all implements adapted to destroy 
his opponents and secure victory. In consideration thereof we have resolved to publish the 
Anarchist as a line in the fight for the disinherited. It is necessary to disseminate Anarchistic 
doctrine. As we strive for freedom from government we advocate the principle of autonomy, 
in this sense : We strive towards the overthrow of the existing order, that an end may be 
put to the "abhorrent work of destruction on the part of mankind, and fratricide done away." 
The equality of all, without distinction of race, color or nationality, is our fundamental 
principle, thus ending rule and servitude. We reject reformatory endeavors as useless play, 
adding to the derision and oppression of the workingmen. Against the never-to-be-satisfied 
ferocity of capital we recommend the radical means of the present age. All endeavors of the 
working classes not aiming at the overthrow of existing conditions of ownership and at com- 
plete self-government are to us reactionary. The idea of the absence of authority warrants 
that we will carry on a fight of principles only. . . . 

No one can deny that man brings with him into the world the right to live. But this is 
denied by the property beast. He who has the whip of power will brandish it over the poor. 
What does the world offer to the poor who are compelled to carry on a mere struggle for 
existence ? Patented machinery, combined with capital and other means of preservation, 
denies work to the workmen on account of the excessive offer of working powers. Working- 
men should, therefore, enter the ranks of those who propose to set aside the present system 
of inequality and build up a system of equality and freedom. Let every one join the Inter- 
national Workingmen's Association, and arm himself with the best weapons of modern 
times. . . . 

The authorities in America have hitherto refused to prosecute Anarchists as the European 
powers do, not because of hatred to despotism, but from fear that the American people 
might be driven into Anarchism. As Anarchists increase, however, it is intended to to away 
with them by slow degrees. To this end a bill was introduced in Congress refusing to and 
revoking citizenship of such. Yet the Anarchist declines citizenship because he regards him- 
self as cosmopolitan. We hope for more foolish things to open the eyes of American work- 
ingmen. . . . 

Reflections of an Anarchist at the Grave of Leiske. After the workingman becomes a 
journeyman he feels free, casts a glance into the world it is glorious, beautiful. He thinks 
there is happiness for him somewhere. He proposes to go abroad, but a terrible cry falls upon 
his ears the outcry of a tormented people. He inquires, have the pariahs of to-day a right 


to live ? and answers yes. Why otherwise born, if suffered to die with hunger ? And hunger 
and poverty are the results of the stealings of the rich. Having thus concluded, he swears 
to help in the work of liberation, "in the great struggle of mankind for a better condition ; " 
to take vengeance upon those responsible for this misery. In his investigations he learns the 
utter vileness of the police power, and a policeman is killed. Whereupon the workman is 
arrested, charged with the murder of Rumpf, and killed after nearly a year of most devilish 
torture. With what contempt Leiske met his executioners, and with what heroism he went 
unto his death, is known to our fellows, and he shall be avenged. 

The Alarm, January 13, 1885 : 

"Force the only defense against injustice and oppression." Because the Socialists 
advocate resistance, they are accused of brutality and want of wisdom. All men agree that 
themselves should not be trampled upon by others. If you can compel a man to agree to 
allow others to exercise control over him, you will find that the soldier will soon claim all 
you have acquired for yourselves. This only teaches that it is dangerous for the wicked to 
teach war ; not so with justice. Justice can never create opposition to itself. Therefore 
" justice is always safe in accumulating force, while injustice can only accumulate force at 
its peril." We are told force is cruel, but this is only true when the opposition is less cruel. 
If the opposition is relentless power, starving, freezing, etc., and the application of force will 
require less suffering, then force is humane. Tharefore we say that dynamite is both humane 
and economical. It will, at the expense of less suffering, prevent more. It is not humane 
to compel ten persons to starve to death, when the execution of five persons would prevent 
it. A system that is starving and freezing tens of thousands of little children, in the midst 
of a world of plenty, cannot be defended against dynamiters on the ground of humanity. If 
every child that starved to death in the United States were retaliated for by the execution of 
a rich man in his own parlor, the brutal system of wage property would not last six weeks. 
It is a wonder that a father, after his vain search for bread, can see his little ones starve or 
freeze, without striking that vengeful, just and bloody blow at the cause that would prevent 
other little ones suffering a similar fate. It is not probable that men will always endure this 
cruel, relentless process of monopoly and competition. 

The privileged class use force to perpetuate their power, and the despoiled workers must 
use force to prevent it. 

The Alarm, July 25, 1885 : 

How to Meet the Enemy. Some Valuable Hints for the Revolutionary Soldiers. What an 

Officer of the United States Army has to Say. 

The following letter, published in the San Francisco Truth some time ago, will be read 
with interest. The letter is quoted as follows, in substance : "I am an officer in the army 
of the United States, and know whereof I write. " John Upton said to me, with great earnest- 
ness, that the day of armies is passing away. I . believe this. This introduces my subject. 
I desire to place the details of the science of butchery before the people; to point out its 
weak points, so that in future uprisings the people may stand some chance of winning. They 
have for the past twenty years been overcome only because of their own ignorance. They 
have been slaughtered and subdued because of a lack of coolness, want of knowledge, and 
adherence to what is called ' humanity, ' ' honorable warfare, ' etc. I assume that my readers 
agree with me that against tyrants all means are legitimate, and that in war that course is 
best, though bloodiest, which soonest ends the contest. My purpose is to persuade the people 
to add a little common sense in future to their heroism, and thus insure success. 

" United States and State regiments are organized on the unit of four, which permits the 
most rapid and effective change of front that can be devised. The art of war consists in 
making soldiers fight. The line of retreat must be kept open to avoid capture. In future 


who murdere, . HUUI , 
wrkingmen id Lemontis not 

I Pi J 

n Inis procession!. 


Yoikinseeiim later.) 

arler Harrison whi 

jdubbedour citizens during 

carmens [strike is not[ 




So den,,BOYCOrrein 

Er trai ins Herz man 

tungs mist 

verlangcn kraftigereK 

Arbeiter-Zeitung and of 
Johann Most's paper, Die 

i. "The greatest crime 
these days is Poverty." 

3. " Millions work for the benefit of the few. 
Let us work for ourselves." 

7. "Proletarians of all lands, unite." 

8. This is a bit of Socialist "poetry" expa- 

6. This is a bit of doggerel directed against 

tiating on the efficacy of the " boycott." 

the capitalistic press, and in advocacy of the 



revolts the people shall assume the aggressive. Army officers have wasted years of study 
over the science of street fighting, unavailingly. The plan below shows a method adopted 
as best. The troops are formed on the street in two bodies in column of four, headed by 
a Galling gun. On the sidewalk a line of skirmishers and sharpshooters, whose duty it is to 
fire into the houses, the whole advancing cautiously. When a cross street is reached, a com- 
pany is left to hold it, in order to keep open the avenue of retreat. Military knowledge has 
become popularized since 1877, and now, in almost any contest, it would be easy to find 
some fair leaders of the people who would devise some means of meeting such an advance, 
as indicated by the following diagram. The diagram represents a street corner. The plan 
is, at the street crossing to have bodies of revolutionists with movable barracks placed ob- 
liquely on the cross street, and who from there will fire vigorously upon the advancing column. 
They have supporters also in the building, also at the corner, whose duty is to throw- 
dynamite upon the troops. If the position is carried, the party defending escape through 
the cross streets. The rear of the column can also be attacked from the cross streets. If 
the men in the barricades are armed with the new international dynamite rifle (which I am 
told exists in the hands of the revolutionists), I give it as a careful technical opinion, that, 
pursuing these tactics under brave and able leaders, fifty men can hold at bay and finally 
destroy in any of your cities an attacking force of five thousand troops." Signed " R. S. S." 
Alcatraz Island, December 8. 

The Alarm, December 26, 1885 : 

Bakounine's Groundwork for the Social Revolution. A Revolutionist's Duty to Himself . (Free 
translation from the German.) 

1. The revolutionist is self-offered ; has no personal interest, but is absorbed by the one 
passion, the revolution. 

2. He is at war with the existing order of society and lives to destroy it. 

3. He despises society in its present form and leaves its reorganization to the future, 
himself knowing only the science of destruction. He studies mathematics, chemistry, etc., 
for this purpose. The quick and sure overthrow of the present unreasonable order is his 

4. He despises public sentiment and acknowledges as moral whatever favors the revolu- 
tion ; as criminal whatever opposes it. 

5. He is consecrated ; he will not spare, nor does he expect mercy. Between him and 
society reigns the war of death or life. 

6. Stringent with himself, he must be stringent with others. All sentiment must be 
suppressed by his passion for the revolutionary work. He must be ready to die and to kill. 

7. He excludes romance and sentiment and also personal hatred and revenge; never 
obeying his personal inclinations, but his revolutionary duty. 

Toward his Comrades. 

8. His friendship is only for his comrade, and is measured by that comrade's usefulness 
in the practical work of the revolution. 

9. As to important affairs, he must consult with his comrades, but in execution depend 
upon himself. Each must be self -operating, and must ask help only when imperatively 

10. He shall use himself and his subordinates as capital to be used for the work of 
revolution, but no part of which can he dispose of without the consent of the persons in- 

n. If a comrade is in danger, he shall not consider his personal feelings, but the inter- 
est of the cause. 

His Duty toward Socit-ty. 

12. A new candidate can be taken into the company only after proof of his merit, and 
upon unanimous consent. 



13. He lives in a so-called civilized world because he believes in its speedy destruction 
He clings to nothing as it now is, and does not hesitate to destroy any institution. He is no 
revolutionist if arrested by personal ties. 

14. He must obtain entrance everywhere, even in the detective agency and the emperor's 

15. The present society should be divided into categories, the first including those sen- 
tenced to immediate death, the others classifying the delinquents according to their rascality. 

16. The lists are not to be influenced by personal considerations, but those are to be 
first destroyed whose death can terrify governments and deprive them of their most intelligent 

17. The second category embraces those who are permitted to live, but whose evil deeds 
will drive the people to 

open revolt. 

1 8. The third cate- 
gory embraces the dis- 
solute rich whose se- 
crets must be discov- 
ered in order to control 
their resources. 

19. The fourth cat- 
egory consists of am- 
bitious officials and 
liberals whose purposes 
we must discover so as 
to prevent their with- 
drawing from our 

20. The fifth cat- 
egory consists of doc- 
trinaire conspirators ; 
they must be urged to 

21. The sixth cat- 
egory is the women, 
who are divided into 

From a Photograph. 

three classes : First, the brainless and heartless ; second, the passionate and qualified ; 
and, third, the wholly consecrated, who are to be guarded as the most valuable part of the 
revolutionary treasures. 

The Alarm of January 9, 1886, then edited, in the absence of its editor 
and his assistant, by August Spies, contained this suggestive editorial : 

"The Right to Bear Arms." After the conspiracy of the workingmen, the working classes, 
in 1877, the breaking up of the meeting on the Haymarket Square, the brutal assault upon a 
gathering of furniture workers in Vorwaerts Turner Hall, the murder of Tessman, and the 
general clubbing and shooting down of peaceably inclined wage-workers, the proletarians 
organized the Lehr und Wehr Verein, which in about a year and a half had grown to a mem- 
bership of one thousand. This was regarded by the capitalists as a menace, and they pro- 
cured the passage of the militia law, under which it became an offense for any body of men, 
other than those authorized by the Governor, to assemble with arms, drill or parade the streets. 
The members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, mostly Socialists, who believed in the ballot, 
made up a test case to determine the constitutionality of this act, rejecting the counsel of the 
extremists. Judge Barnum held the law to be unconstitutional an appeal was taken and 


the Supreme Court upset this decision and held the law constitutional. Thereupon the 
Lehr und Wehr Verein applied to the Supreme Court of the United States, which within 
a few days affirmed the decision of the Supreme Court of the State. Do we need comment 
on this ? 

That militia law has had its uses. Where there was before a military body publicly 
organized, whose strength could be easily ascertained, now there exists an organization 
whose members cannot be estimated, and a network of destructive agencies of modern mili- 
tary character that will defy suppression. 

The Arbeiter-Zeitung, February 17, editorial: 

In France, during strikes, etc., a new method is lately adopted. The workingmen 
barricade themselves in the factories with provisions, taking possession of the property, 
which the manufacturers desire to preserve, and will only resort to force for their ejection in 
the most extreme case. The conflict between capitalism and workingmen is growing con- 
stantly sharper, and the indication is that force will bring about decisive results in the battle 
for liberty. 

The Arbeiter-Zeitung of April 30 : 

We are advised that the police are ordered to be ready for a conflict upon Saturday of 
next week. The capitalists are thirsting for the blood of workingmen. The workingmen 
refuse longer to be tortured and treated like dogs, and for this opposition the capitalists cry 
for blood. Perhaps they may have it, and lose some of their own. To the workingmen 
we again say : Arm yourselves, but conceal your arms lest they be stolen from you. 

The Arbeiter-Zeitung, May 3 : 

Courage, courage, is our cry. Don't forget the words of Herways : " The host of the 
oppressors grow pale when thou, weary of thy burden, in the corner puttest the plow ; when 
thou sayest, 'It is enough.'" 

The Arbeiter-Zeitung, May 4 : 

Blood has flown. It happened as it had to. The militia have not been drilling in vain. 
It is historical that private property had its origin in violence. The war of classes has 
come. Yesterday, in front of McCormick's factory, workmen were shot down whose blood 
cries for vengeance. In the past, countless victims have been offered on the altars of the 
golden calf amid the shouts of the capitalistic robbers. One has only to think of East St. 
Louis, Chicago and other places, to recognize the tactics of the extortioners. The white 
terror will be answered with the red, for the workmen are not asleep. They modestly asked 
for eight hours. The answer was to drill the police force and militia, and browbeat those 
advocating the change. And yesterday blood flowed the reply of these devils to this modest 
petition of their slaves. Death rather than a life of wretchedness. The capitalistic tiger 
lies ready for the jump, his eyes sparkling, eager for murder, and his clutches drawn tight. 
Self-defense cries, "To arms, to arms!" If you do not defend yourselves, you will be 
ground by the animal's teeth. 

The powers hostile to the workingmen have made common cause, and our differences 
must be subordinated to the common purpose. The statement of the capitalistic press, that 
the workmen yesterday fired first, is a bold, barefaced lie. 

In the poor shanty miserably clad women and children are weeping for husband and 
father. In the palace they clink glasses filled with costly wine and drink to the happiness 
of the bloody bandits of law and order. Dry your tears, ye poor and wretched ; take 
heart, ye slaves ; arise in your might and overthrow the system of robbery. 

These are a few of the many articles emanating from the Socialistic 
propaganda, calling the rabble to murder and destruction. Other declara- 



tions printed in the Arbeiter-Zeitung and pronounced upon the stump are 
in the same virulent spirit, couched in varying language as suggested by the 
events of the moment, but all breathing defiance and death to the so-called 
" capitalistic class." There are also minute and specific directions for the 
preparation as well as the use of dynamite, Herr Most's work on that subject 


having been largely drawn upon for the enlightenment of those who believed 
that dynamite is the weapon through the use of which the social revolu- 
tion can be accomplished. Paragraphs, sections and chapters of Bakounine's 
"Groundwork for the Social Revolution" were likewise read to the Socialists 
and published in their organs. 

9 6 


Another source from which to draw inspiration was Reinsdorf, the 
apostle of Anarchy in Germany. The Chicago Anarchists regarded him as 
a splendid representative of their class, and praised his attempt on the life 
of the Emperor of Germany. His death on the scaffold was regarded as 
martyrdom, and his deeds were frequently extolled. His confederates in 
conspiracy, Hoedel and Nobiling, were referred to in terms of praise by 
George A. Schilling at a meeting in West Twelfth Street Turner Hall. 
Louis Lingg had been personally acquainted with Reinsdorf, and gloried 
in the man's work and courage. The extreme section of the Chicago 

Socialists always 
sought to inculcate his 
ideas, and that the 
reader may gain some 
notion of Reinsdorf's 
character, I reproduce 
the following transla- 
tion from a German 
Socialistic paper, show- 
ing his career : 

He was the principal 
leader of all the Anarchists 
in Germany. The people 
looked upon him as the 
savior of their great cause. 
He was admired not only by 
men, but also by women. 
Wherever he went he was 
given great receptions, and 
he had many pupils. 

Reinsdorf was born in 
Prussia. When he became 
of age, he joined the party, 
and, by his good and rapid 
work, became in a short 
time the father of the An- 
archistic agitation. But the law pursued him, and he wandered from state to state. In 
the year 1876 we find him in Switzerland, where he had many followers. One of his 
pupils and admirers was Max Hoedel, who with Reinsdorf conceived a plot to murder 
King William of Prussia. The attack upon his life was made by Hoedel on the nth day of 
May, 1878. He fired several shots at the aged warrior, but failed, as none of them took 
effect. They missed their mark. Not satisfied with this, another man, Dr. Nobiling, also a 
pupil of Reinsdorf, made another attempt three weeks later, by firing a shot-gun filled 
with buck-shot at the old King ; but again without effect. Nobiling's deed was the 
consequence of Hoedel's attempt, and Reinsdorf was the agitator. Failing in this, they 
concluded to wait some time until their party should get stronger and could secure 
better material. Among others Louis Lingg joined the Anarchists in Zurich. Louis was 
then very young, but he became as radical as their chief leader. The Socialists were 



to have held a Congress there in May, 1880, but the gathering did not take place, 
as the police had notice, and Reinsdorf and his followers were compelled to leave 
Zurich and go to Freiburg (Baden), where they held secret meetings and where Reinsdorf 
declared that he himself would go to Berlin and kill the miserable mahdi by stabbing 
him to the heart. He went to Berlin to carry out this plan, but was arrested by the 
police. They could not make out a case of conspiracy against him, but he was sent to prison 
for several months on the charge of carrying a dagger. After his discharge Reinsdorf traveled 
to and from Switzerland to Germany, France and Belgium, speaking in all places where he 
stopped, and gaining many followers. His only desire was to put old Emperor William (com- 
monly called "old Lehmann") out of the way to do something great so that all the people 
would look up to him. His only targets were royal palaces and the palaces of diplomates. He 
and others then formed a plan to murder the King, and Bismarck, and all the princes and others 
who were to participate in the dedication of the Germania monument at Ruedesheim on the 
28th day of September, 1883. But Reinsdorf met with an accident while crossing a railroad 
track, and was severely injured. This was a very painful situation for Reinsdorf. The day 
for action drew near, but he was confined to his bed. Should this beautiful plan be given 
up on that account ? Never ! Could not other people accomplish what he had thought out ? 
Certainly. But was it sure that they would have the necessary courage at the critical moment ? 
Could he trust them ? Tormented by such thoughts, Reinsdorf finally submitted to the 
inevitable and confided his mission to two of his comrades. He called these people to his 
bedside and told them what he wanted done. He presented his plan in detail. Rupsch and 
Kuechler these are their names pledged themselves to do what he desired. They started 
on the journey with the necessary material, reached Ruedesheim safely, and on the night of 
the ayth they proceeded to a spot not far from the monument, where the railroad runs near 
the edge of the forest. They filled a culvert with a large quantity of dynamite, put a fulmin- 
ating cap into it and drew the fuse into the forest. It was raining at the time, and they 
covered the fuse with moist ground and tied the end of it to a tree, which they marked by 
cutting into it. They then returned to Ruedesheim. The next morning they returned to the 
place. The royal train came. Kuechler gave the signal ; Rupsch held his burning cigar to 
the fuse. One moment of breathless expectation ! The train passed, and the explosion 
failed. Kuechler asked Rupsch about the failure. The latter showed that the end of the 
fuse had been lighted, but did not burn because it was damp. They did not give up hope, as 
the train had to return the same way after the ceremonies were over. A new fuse was 
attached. Again the royal party passed over the critical ground, where death had been pre- 
pared for them. Rupsch lit the fuse again, but it did not burn. An investigation afterwards 
showed that the fuse only burned a short length and then went out. They had followed all 
Reinsdorf 's instructions but one instead of water-proof fuse they had supplied them- 
selves with the common kind. With mutual recriminations, Kuechler and Rupsch took the 
dynamite from under the culvert and went back to Ruedesheim, where they got gloriously 
drunk. After they had sobered up, they returned to Elberfeld and reported to Reinsdorf, 
who already knew that his beautiful plan had miscarried. With great wrath he listened to 
them and said : " No such thing could have happened to me." He thought there would be 
another chance. Then he would not be in the hospital, but could carry it out himself. His 
hopes were in vain. After his discharge from the hospital in Elberfeld, he proceeded to 
Frankfort-on-the-Main, where he was arrested. The police found out that he was an 
accomplice in the conspiracy, but, putting him through the sieve, they failed to get anything 
out of him, as he would not answer a single question. He said : "You may ask me as much 
as you wish, I shall not answer." Bachman, one of his companions and an accomplice, 
escaped to Luxemburg, where he thought he would be safe from the law, but he also was 
arrested and extradited and sent to Elberfeld to keep Reinsdorf company, together with 
Rupsch and Kuechler. 


Reinsdorf and his accomplices were tried before the courts of Leipsic, and the trial 
lasted seven days. Bachman and two others were sentenced to ten years in the penitentiary. 
Rupsch got a life sentence, while Reinsdorf was sentenced to be beheaded. At his trial 
Reinsdorf was as stubborn as ever. He denied everything. When he was asked who he was 
he answered : 

"I am an Anarchist." 

"What is Anarchy ? " he was asked. 

"A company in which every sensible man can develop his ability. To permit this no on& 
should be burdened with excessive labor ; want and misery should be banished ; every force 
should cease; every stupidity, every superstition should be banished from the world." 

The presiding judge asked him if he was guilty or not, and to answer with "yes" 
or "no." 

Reinsdorf answered with a steady voice : "I look upon this whole thing as a question of 
power. If we German Anarchists had a couple of army corps at our disposition, then I 
would not have to talk to this court. I for my part have nothing to say. Do with me as 
you please." 

After the court had finished, Reinsdorf resumed his remarks and said : "The attempt at 
Niederwald failed because 'the hand of Providence appeared," as the prosecution terms it. I 
tell you the awkward hand of Rupsch did it. I am sorry to say I had no one else at my 
disposal. I have nothing to repent, only that the attempt failed. At the factories the- 
people are going to ruin merely for the benefit of the stockholders. These honest Christians- 
swindle the working people of half of their living. My lawyer wanted to save my head, but 
for such a hounded proletarian as I am the quickest death is the best. If I had ten heads I 
would offer them with joy and lay them on the block for the good cause." 

Before going to the scaffold, Reinsdorf ate a hearty meal, smoked a cigar, and sang a 
song. He walked steadily into the court-yard, where the scaffold was standing, guarded by 
a squad of soldiers, besides about a hundred other persons. 

"Are you August Reinsdorf ? " asked the sheriff. 

"Yes, that I am." 

The death warrant was then read and the royal signature shown to him. The exe- 
cutioner then bore him to the scaffold. Reinsdorf 's last words were : ' ' Down with barbar- 
ism ; hurrah for Anarchy ! " The axe fell and the head was severed from his body. 

The atonement for the decapitation of Reinsdorf followed quickly. The sentence had 
hardly been carried into execution when, on the i3th of January, 1885, "the miserable 
Rumpff, " as they called him, was stabbed and killed by the hand of an Anarchist at Frankfort- 
on-the-Main. Sic semper tyrannis. 

With such an example of courage before them, and the revenge his 
execution invited, it is almost needless to remark that the bloodthirsty 
Anarchists of Chicago read with eager avidity anything pertaining to their 
hero. Accordingly, in the Vorbote of December 16, 1885, the following is- 
to be found : 


In the pamphlet about Reinsdorf there is a letter published which our great martyr wrote- 
the day previous to his decapitation. We are able now to publish two other letters which 
Reinsdorf wrote at the same time, to his parents and to his second brother. 

One letter reads as follows : 

HALLE, February 6, 1885. 

My Dear Brother : To-day is my last day, and I could not let it pass without writing to' 
you to show you that I always remembered you with brotherly love. When you have read 


this letter I shall be one of the fortunates who are past and one of whom they can speak 
nothing but good. Now, my deeds, specially alleged against me before the courts, lie open 
before the world, and, although I am sentenced to death, I have the feeling that I did my 
duty ; and this feeling it is which makes my last walk easy, to receive joyfully the everlasting 
sleep as something well earned. 

Dear August, you have often had trouble and sorrow, although you are in the blossom of 
life. People usually heed the words of one deceased more than the speeches of philosophers. 
I want to tell you a few words. Bear with strength, endurance and friendly submission the 
burden which you have laden upon yourself, and try to have satisfaction in it, so you can 
raise your children that they may be useful to you and an adornment to you. What would 
you gain by it, if you should participate in the good-for-nothing diversions of the people ? 
Think, I could have done it, but I preferred the wandering existence of an Anarchist. 

When you, therefore, in years to come, look back upon the days of honest, peaceable labor 
done, and of hard duty fulfilled, then you will be filled with a joyful certainty and a quiet 
happiness that will repay you for all your sufferings. We still live, unfortunately, in a world 
of egotism and incompleteness, and only a few are in position to swim against the stream 
even at the risk of their lives. You never did it. Good. So do your duty as the father of 
your family. Good-by. Accept a greeting from my heart for your wife and family, from 

Your brother, AUGUST. 

The second letter is directed to his parents : 

HALLE, February 6, 1885. 

My Dear Parents: Take in silence what cannot be helped ! Who would sacrifice their chil- 
dren, if not you, who have so many ? Or should the wealthy do it, when it is the cause of 
the poor for which we fight ? Or should we lay our hands in our laps and wait until others 
have sacrificed themselves for us ? And is it such a great sacrifice I bring ? Sick as I am, 
and with a prospect of long suffering, it should be looked upon as a blessing when such an 
existence is put to a quick death. And what an end is it ? Whoever they are, progressive 
or reactionary, liberal or conservative, they all hate the Anarchist Reinsdorf. As they have 
condemned his doings, they cheer his death, the crown of a faithful, self-sacrificing man. 
But his steadfastness, in defiance of thousands of obstacles, no one can deny. And this shall 
be your consolation. 

How many have had to die for smaller causes ? How many have lost their lives in 
dynamite conquests ? Take all this in consideration and don't let your hearts be made heavy 
through the babble of paltry and narrow-minded people. My last thoughts are of you 
and of brothers and sisters, and of the great cause for which I die. Deep-felt wishes fill 
my heart for the prosperity of every one of you. Greetings to my brothers and sisters, 
especially Carl, Emilie, Emma and Anna, to whom I could not write personally. Shake 
once more their hands for me. You and I embrace with all the love of childhood, and I greet 
you a thousand times. Good-by, all. Yours, AUGUST. 

What Herr Johann Most, the present American leader of the irreconcil- 
ables, thought of Reinsdorf, may be judged by the following extracts from 
Host's biography : 

From the i5th to the 22nd of December, 1884, eight workingmen, who had been captured 
in the war of the poor against the rich, were sitting in the dock, not to have justice passed 
upon them, but to await the sentence of might which the judges, acting as mouth-pieces for 
the ruling powers, had in preparation for them. The most prominent figure among these 
victims of a barbaric order of society was August Reinsdorf. To this man my little book is 
to be a tribute of esteem. 

I am well aware of the difficulty of my otherwise quite modest undertaking, to write a 
biography of the father of the Anarchistic movement within the territory of the German 



language, yet I hope to do the brothers near and far a service, for the time being at least, by 
sketching for them a likeness of a true hero of the Social Revolution. . . . 

Indeed Reinsdorf was not an agitator of the common sort. Speeches delivered occasion- 
ally or written articles were to him only means to a higher purpose incentives to action. 

Since he had recognized his ideal in Anarchism ; . . . since the necessity of the 
' tactics of terror " had dawned upon him in contradistinction to the tactics of petitioning, 
voting, ' ' parliamenting, " bargaining, and of the peaceable and legitimate hide-and-seek prac- 
tice all his thinking and planning was directed to but one thing, he knew of but one 

endeavor, he gave his entire being to 
but one motive power of the Social Re- 
volution that was the propaganda cf 

In this regard he may be put beside 
the most noble conspirators of ancient 
and modern times . . . 

To be a revolutionist indeed, one 
must possess the faculty of thinking with 
the most acute clearness. But religious 
"fog" is the opposite of clearness of 
intellect. Yea, where religious non- 
sense has once taken a deep root, there 
every mental development is actually 
excluded, and a kind of idiocy formally 
takes its place. . . . 

Quite different does the matter stand 
in the case of a "proletarian." If he 
once recognize the old Lord God with 
his thunderbolt as an invented scare- 
crow which a shrewd gang of rascals 
have placed before paradise, that man 
should not eat of the tree of knowl- 
edge, but that he should rather wait in 
patience for the roasted birds which, 
after his death, come flying into his 
mouth from a heavenly kitchen, if the 
poor devil has learned to see that his 
namesake, too, wherewith they had tried to scare him previously, is also an invention 
of malicious swindlers, then he soon applies the rule of the critic to the "high " and "high- 
est" idols of earth. He loses respect for the so-called "Governments" and more and more 
learns to see in them a horde of brutal tormentors. These custodians of existing treasures 
attract his eye also to the possessors of the riches of the earth, and soon the question dawns 
upon him, Who has created all these things ? The answer comes of itself. He and his like 
have done that. To them, therefore, belongs the whole world. They only need to take. 
Thus the man, having cut loose from God, becomes the revolutionist par excellence. 
After Reinsdorf had succeeded in finding people who he thought were fit to take part in 
revolutionary actions and even risk their lives, he was also fortunate enough to discover a source 
from which dynamite, that glorious stuff which will literally make a road for liberty, could be 

And how did he die ? Shortly before the moment of death, and while in the hands of the 
hangman, he cried out : "Down with barbarism ! Let Anarchy live ! " 



These are admonishing words, which no one should leave unheeded who marches under 
the flag of the Revolution. 

Well, then ! Let us act accordingly ! Away with all sentimental hesitation when it comes 
to strike a blow against State, Church and Society and their representatives, as wsll as against 
all that exists. 

Let us never forget that the revolutionists of modern times can enter into the society 
of free and equal men only over ruins and ashes, over blood and dead bodies. 

Let us rise to the height of an August Reinsdorf ! Let us complete the work which he so 
boldly began ! Only thus can we avenge ourselves ; only thus can we show ourselves worthy 
of him ; only thus can we conquer. 

Workingmen ! Look down into the freshly dug pit. There lies your best friend and 
adviser, an advance champion of your cause, a martyred witness to the greatness of the 
Anarchistic idea. Live, strive and act as he ! Anarchists, in your name I lay the well-earned 
laurel-wreath upon his grave. . . . 

The retribution for the annihilation of Reinsdorf came rapidly. Scarcely had the sen- 
tence been spoken, and before it had been executed, the dagger of a Nemesis had already 
taken revenge. On January 13, 1885, the head of the German detective forces, the miser- 
able Rumpff, was stabbed to death by the hand of an Anarchist. 

" Sic semper tyrannis So be it to all tyrants ! " was heard everywhere. With great satis- 
faction every honorable man, especially every man of work, experienced that Rumpff had to 
die because he was the cause of Reinsdorf's death. . . . 

The combustibles are heaped up. Proletarians, throw the igniting spark amongst 

Up with force ! Let the Social Resolution live ! 

The revolutionists of Chicago appear more careful about exposing 
themselves to danger than their foreign co-conspirators, and, while counsel- 
ing bloodshed, suggest ways of bringing about destruction with a minimum 
of danger. In the Arbeiter-Zeitung of March 16, 1885, there appeared the 
following editorial, suggesting the most effective way of using dynamite : 

In all revolutionary action three different epochs of time are to be distinguished : First 
the portion of preparation for an action, then the moment of the action itself, and finally 
that portion of time which follows the deed. All these portions of time are to be considered 
one after another. 

In the first place, a revolutionary action should succeed. Then as little as possible ought 
to be sacrificed, that is, in other words, the danger of discovery ought to be weakened as much 
as possible, and, if it can be, should be reduced to naught. This calls for one of the most 
important tactical principles, which briefly might be formulated in the words : Saving of the 
combatants. All this constrains us to further explain the measures of organization and 
tactics which must be taken into consideration in such an action. 

Mention was made of the danger of discovery. That is, in fact, present in all three of 
the periods of conflict. This danger is imminent in the preparation of the action itself, and 
finally, after the completion thereof. The question is now, How can it be met ? 

If we view the different phases of the development of a deed, we have, first, the time of 

It is easily comprehensible for everybody that the danger of discovery is the greater the 
more numerous the mass of people or the group is which contemplates a deed, and vice versa. 
On the other hand, the threatening danger approaches the closer the better the acting 
persons are known to the authorities of the place of action, and vice versa. Holding fast to 
this, the following results : 

In the commission of a deed, a comrade who does not live at the place of action that 


is, a comrade of some other place ought, if possibility admits, to participate in the action ; 
or, formulated differently, a revolutionary deed ought to be enacted where one is not 

A further conclusion which may be drawn from what was mentioned is this : 

Whoever is willing to execute a deed has, in the first place, to put the question to himself, 
whether he is able, or not, to carry out the action by himself. If the former is the case, let 
him absolutely initiate no one into the matter and let him act alone ; but if that is not the 
case, then let him look, with the greatest care, for just so many fellows as he must have, 
absolutely not one more nor less ; with these let him unite himself into a fighting 

The founding of special groups of action or of war is an absolute necessity. If it were 
attempted to make use of an existing group to effect an action, discovery of the deed would 
follow upon its heels, if it came to a revolutionary action at all, which would be very 
doubtful. It is especially true in America, where reaction has velvet paws, and where 
asinine confidence is, from a certain direction, directly without bounds. In the preparation, 
even, endless debates would develop ; the thing would be hung upon the big bell ; it would 
be at first a public secret, and then, after the thing was known to everybody, it would also 
reach the long ears of the holy Hermandad (the sacred precinct of the watchman over the 
public safety), which, as is known to every man, woman and child, hear the grass grow and 
the fleas cough. 

In the formation of a group of action, the greatest care must be exercised. Men must 
be selected who have head and heart in the right spot. 

Has the formation of a fighting group been effected, has the intention been developed, 
does each one see perfectly clear the manner of the execution, then action must follow with 
the greatest possible swiftness, without delay, for now they move within the scope of the 
greatest danger, simply from the very adjacent reason, because the select allies might yet 
commit treason without exposing themselves in so doing. 

In the action itself, one must be personally at the place, to select personally that point of 
the place of action, and that part of the action, which are the most important and are 
coupled with the greatest danger, upon which depend chiefly the success or failure of the 
whole affair. 

Has the deed been completed, then the group of action dissolves at once, without fur- 
ther parley, according to an understanding which must be had beforehand, leaves the place of 
action, and scatters in all directions. 

If this theory is acted upon, then the danger of discovery is extremely small yea, 
reduced to almost nothing, and from this point of view the author ventures to say, thus, and 
not otherwise, must be acted, if the advance is to be proper. 

It would be an easy matter to furnish the proof, by the different revolutionary acts in 
which the history of the immediate past is so rich, that the executors sinned against the one 
or the other of the aforementioned principles, and that in this fact lies the cause of the dis- 
covery, and the loss to us of very important fellow-champions connected therewith ; but we 
will be brief, and leave that to the individual reflection of the reader. But one fact is estab- 
lished that is this : That all the rules mentioned can be observed without great difficulty ; 
further, that the blood of our best comrades can be spared thereby ; finally, as a conse- 
quence of the last-mentioned, that light actions can be increased materially, for the complete 
success of an action is the best impulse to a new deed, and the things must always succeed 
when the rules of wisdom are followed. 

A further question which might probably be raised would be this : In case a special or 
conditional group must be formed for the purpose of action, what is the duty, in that case, 
of the public groups, or the entire public organization, in view of the aforesaid action ? The 
answer is very near at hand. In the first place, they have to serve as a covering as a 


shield behind which one of the most effective weapons of revolution is bared ; then these 
permanent groups are to be the source from which the necessary pecuniary means are drawn 
and fellow-combatants are recruited ; finally, the accomplished deeds are to furnish to per- 
manent groups the material for critical illustration. These discussions are to wake the 
spirit of rebellion, that important lever of the advancing course of the development of our 
race, without which we would be forever nailed down to the state of development of a 
gorilla or an orang-outang. This right spirit is to be inflamed, the revolutionary instinct is to 
be roused which still sleeps in the breast of man, although these monsters, which, by an 
oversight of nature, were covered with human skin, are earnestly endeavoring to cripple the 
truly noble and elevated form of man by the pressure of a thousand and again a thousand 
years to morally castrate the human race. Finally, the means and form of conquest are 
to be found by untiring search and comparison, which enhance the strength of each prole- 
tarian a thousandfold, and make him the giant Briareus, alone able to crush the ogres 
of Capital. 

I have thus shown the manner and methods by which Socialism seeks 
to gain a foothold in America. In their declarations of principles and 
encouragements to violence, these agitators have proved themselves traitors 
to their country or the country of their adoption, and ingrates to society. 
They have sought, and are seeking, to establish "Anarchy in the midst of 
the state, war in times of peace, and conspiracy in open day." They are 
the "Huns and Vandals of modern civilization. >; 

As De Tocqueville says : " Democracy and Socialism are the antipodes 
of each other. While Democracy extends the sphere of individual inde- 
pendence, Socialism contracts it. Democracy develops a man's whole 
manhood ; Socialism makes him an agent, an instrument, a cipher. Dem- 
ocracy and Socialism harmonize on one point only the equality which 
they introduce. But mark the difference : Democracy seeks equality in 
liberty, while Socialism seeks it in servitude and constraint." 


The Socialistic Programme Fighting a Compromise Opposition to the 
Eight-hour Movement The Memorial to Congress Eight Hours' Work Enough 
The Anarchist Position An Alarm Editorial "Capitalists and Wage Slaves" 
Parsons' Ideas The Anarchists and the Knights of Labor Powderly's Warning 
Working up a Riot The Effect of Labor-saving Machinery Views of Edison and 
Wells The Socialistic Demonstration The Procession of April 25, 1886 How the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung Helped on the Crisis The Secret Circular of 1886. 

WHILE the Socialists are bent on a revolution in the economic con- 
dition of the working class, or, as they choose to term it, the 
proletariat, they have conclusively shown that they do not desire to 
further that movement by pacific means. Imbued with the doctrines of 
violence and intent on the complete destruction of government, they do not 
seek their end by orderly, legitimate methods. This fact has been most 
thoroughly established by the extracts from their public declarations which 
I have already given. 

But if any doubts still exist with reference thereto, they are completely 
dissipated by an examination into the attitude assumed by the Socialists 
toward the labor problem as it exists at the present day. It is not my pur- 
pose to enter into a detailed review of the whole field. I will simply call 
attention to one fact, and in that fact one sweeps the labor horizon, viewed 
from the Socialistic standpoint, as the astronomer sweeps the heavens with 
his telescope, striking the most prominent objects within the range of obser- 
vation. This one fact is the position of the Socialists toward the eight-hour 

It is generally known that many economists and agitators, with neither 
affiliations nor sympathy for Socialism, have been contending for years that 
with the rapid increase in labor-saving machinery and the consequent dis- 
placement of labor, reduction in the hours of service has become an absolute 
necessity. The points made in support of this position are numerous, and 
as the most salient ones appear in a memorial on the part of a National 
Labor Convention to the Committee on Depression in Labor and Business 
of the Forty-sixth Congress, drafted November 10, 1879, I may briefly quote 
a few. The memorial asked a reduction : 

1. In the name of political economy. "All political economists are 
agreed," they said, "that the standard of wages is determined by the cost 
of subsistence rather than by the number of hours employed. Wages are 
recognized as resulting from the necessary cost of living in any given com- 
munity. The cost of subsistence for an average family determines the rate, 
and it is for this reason that single men can save more if they will. " 

2. In the interest of civilization. "The battle for a reduction of the 


hours of labor is a struggle for a wider civilization." With less hours, more 
leisure is afforded for mental and social improvement. In proof the memo- 
rialists appealed to the past and to the fact that one day of rest in seven has 
raised the social condition of the people. Besides, they urged, the "history 
of the short-hour movement in England proved conclusively that every 
reduction of time in the United Kingdom had invariably been followed by 
an increase of wages," and the consequent improvement of workingmen. 

3. The changed relations between production and consumption demand 
remedial legislation. A reduction of houfs would give more men employ- 
ment. Under existing conditions, capital and production have increased 
while the number of persons employed has fallen off. 

These are doctrines one would think the Socialist, pretending to have 
the interests of labor at heart, would unquestionably and heartily indorse. 
Far from it. True to his nature as a social disturber, disorganizer and 
malcontent, he sees in it a possible solution of many labor troubles and 
the approach to a rearrangement of existing conditions on a basis different 
from his own theories. When this question arose in Chicago in the winter 
of 1885-86, the Alarm entered its most emphatic protest. In its issue of 
December 12, 1885, ithad this to say, under the heading, "No Compromise ": 

We of the Internationale are frequently asked why we do not give our active support to 
the proposed eight-hour movement. Let us take what we can get, say our eight-hour friends, 
else by asking too much we may get nothing. 

We answer : Because we will not compromise. Kither our position that capitalists have 
no right to the exclusive ownership of the means of life is a true one, or it is not. If we are 
correct, then to concede the point that capitalists have the right to eight hours of our labor, is 
more than a compromise ; it is a virtual concession that the wage system is right. If capital- 
ists have the right to own labor or to control the results of labor, then clearly we have no 
business dictating the terms upon which we may be employed. We cannot say to our 
employers, ' ' Yes, we acknowledge your right to employ us ; we are satisfied that the wage 
system is all right, but we, your slaves, propose to dictate the terms upon which we will 
work. " How inconsistent ! And yet that is exactly the position of our eight-hour friends. 
They presume to dictate to capital, while they maintain the justness of the capitalistic sys- 
tem ; they would regulate wages while defending the claims of the capitalists to the absolute 
control of industry. 

These sentiments were frequently reiterated by A. R. Parsons, who was 
the editor of the Alarm ; and in August Spies he found an energetic ally. 
Among other things Spies said concerning the movement : 

We do not antagonize the eight-hour movement. Viewing it from the standpoint that 
it is a social struggle, we simply predict that it is a lost battle, and we will prove that, even 
though the eight-hour system should be established at this late day, the wage-workers would 
gain nothing. They would still remain the slaves of their masters. 

Suppose the hours of labor should be shortened to eight, our productive capacity would 
thersby not be diminished. The shortening of the hours of labor in England was imme- 
diately followed by a general increase of labor-saving machines, with a subsequent discharge 
of a proportionate number of employes. The reverse of what had been sought took place. 
The exploitation of those at work was intensified. They now performed more labor, and 
produced more than before. 


The movement, however, took a firm hold of the laboring classes. They 
saw in it a chance to secure more leisure, and, inspired by their anti-Social- 
istic leaders, did all in their power to further it. There were then in Chi- 
cago a great many unemployed, and under the plea that a reduction in the 
hours of toil would not only give more time for self-improvement, but 
necessitate the employment of many of the idle throng, the leaders advo- 
cated its speedy introduction. At this time the general sentiment prevailed 
that it was simply a movement for a reduction in working-time, the ques- 
tion of wages not being involved. Some few irresponsible talkers of the 
Socialistic stamp, it is true, held out that it was to be a contention for wages 
as well, but the most influential and conservative representatives of labor 
insisted that they only wanted eight hours' work for eight-hours' pay. Grand 
Master Workman Powderly held to the latter view and repeatedly urged the 
members of the Knights of Labor not to go beyond that demand. He 
even intimated a doubt if it were the part of wisdom and policy to under- 
take at the time a strike of the kind, in view of the complications then 
growing out of the Missouri Pacific Railway known as the Gould sys- 
tem "tie-up." Traffic and industry had been seriously affected through- 
out the West by Martin Irons' stubbornness, and it is evident that Powderly 
had his misgivings about the outcome of an eight-hour strike. However, 
the leaders continued their agitation, and it was decided that the resolution 
adopted in 1884 by a number of trades organizations in national session 
for an eight-hour strike on May i, 1886, should be carried out in Chicago, 
as in other large manufacturing and trade centers. Had this simple prop- 
osition not been "loaded, " the result of the movement might have been 
different, but, as the time drew near, it became quite apparent that, despite 
Powderly's warnings, the question of wages was to cut a leading figure. It 
was developed that the demand for a reduction of hours was to be accom- 
panied with a demand for the same wages as under the old ten-hour system. 
This was the rock upon which they subsequently foundered. Had they been 
content to accept decreased wages and relied upon increased efficiency and 
skill and the logic of events to secure increased pay in the future, they 
might have scored many victories, if not a complete success. 

But they were alike unmindful of Powderly's advice and the teachings 
of history. They seemingly forgot that the employers would naturally 
resist any such sweeping concession, and that, as in other instances, the 
unemployed would at once be installed, whenever possible, in their places, 
and that in industries where there did not exist an overproduction, the 
capacity of machines would be more heavily taxed and new machines would 
be introduced to do work hitherto done by hand. A London publication 
has shown how, in recent years, in the extremity of bitter strikes, manu- 
factories have increased their labor-saving machinery to offset the absence 
of their workmen and how invention in the line of new machines has been 


: -greatly stimulated by a stubborn conflict between employer and employed 
Hon. David A. Wells has also pointed out a similar result in this country. 
Identically the same thing happened in several establishments in Chicago. 
The unemployed and new machines were called into requisition whenever 

But labor-saving machinery need not necessarily be regarded as an 
-enemy of labor. That doctrine, which had its origin at the time when a 
riot in Spain followed the introduction of a machine to make woolens, and 
which continued until the invention of the sewing-machine, has in this day 
come to be regarded by all enlightened economists as a nightmare of the 
musty past. The fact is labor has been aided and benefited by machinery. 
Prof. Edison, the great inventor, is authority for the statement that the 
.increase in machinery and inventions during the last fifty years has doubled 
the wages of workingmen and reduced the cost of the necessaries of life 50 
jper cent. "For the first time in the world's history," he says, "a skilled 
mechanic can buy a barrel of flour with a single day's work." Hon. David 
A. Wells, in an article in the Popular Science Monthly for October, 1887, 
treating of the depression of prices since 1873, also demonstrates the fact 
that the reductions, which he states to be 30 per cent., during the time 
.under his review, are due to inventions. Edison goes still further in 
his statement with reference to the enhancement of wages. He predicts, 
rather too glowingly perhaps, that in another generation even "the unskilled 
laborer, if sober and industrious, will have a house of his own, a library, a 
piano and a horse and carriage," with all the comforts that these imply. 

Anarchist Spies evidently took no stock in such a condition as the result 
of new and improved mechanical appliances, for in his early opposition to 
the inauguration of the eight-hour movement he declared that "for a man 
who desires to remain a wage slave, the introduction of every new improve- 
ment and machine is a threatening competitor." 

I have thus pointed to some facts bearing on strikes and wages because 
it has since transpired that the Anarchists or Socialists, intent on precipitat- 
ing the "social revolution," were the principal instigators of the demand 
-for ten hours' pay for eight hours' work, thereby hoping to irritate the em- 
ployers to determined resistance and the workingmen of non-Socialistic 
ideas to the point of violence. Past experience was cast aside under their 
clandestine guidance. While the movement was in its infancy the Socialists, 
as such, held aloof, but, the moment they saw that it was gaining strength 
and was likely to involve all the wage-workers in the city, and that eight 
hours on a basis of reduced pay might be secured, they perceived their 
opportunity to complicate matters by the introduction of a demand for the 
old wages with reduced time. This at once threw down the gauntlet. 
While before they had opposed the movement, they now became active 
agitators in its behalf and appeared more solicitous about its certain inaug- 


uration than they were about its successful ending. Their organs bristled' 
with incendiary language. Their speakers could hardly find words strong 
enough to fire their auditors in the demand for eight hours. They even got 
up a procession under the auspices of the Central Labor Union, and, on 
Sunday, April 25, 1886, paraded the streets with red flags and red badges. 

Among some of the mottoes displayed were : " The Social Revolution," 
"Workingmen, Arm Yourselves," "Down with Throne, Altar and Money- 
bags," and "Might makes Right, and You are the Strongest." 

The procession massed on the Lake Front. There the leading speakers 
were loud in encouraging the strike for eight hours. Parsons maintained that 
"if the demands of workingmen were met by a universal lock-out, the signal 
would be taken as one of 'war, and war to the knife. ' " Spies declared 
that "the eight-hour day had been argued for twenty years. We at last 
can hope to realize it." Schwab and Fielden were alike emphatic. 

The Arbeiter-Zeitung likewise heartily indorsed the movement. In its 
issue of April 26, 1886, appeared an editorial of which the following is 
the concluding paragraph : 

What a modest demand, the introduction of the eight-hour day ! And yet a corps of 
madmen could not demean themselves worse than the capitalistic extortioners. They con- 
tinually threaten with their disciplined police and their strong militia, and these are not 
empty threats. This is proved by the history of the last few years. It is a nice thing, this 
patience, and the laborer, alas ! has too much of this article ; but one must not indulge in a 
too frivolous play with it. If you go further, his patience will cease ; then it will be no. 
longer a question of the eight-hour day, but a question of emancipation from wage slavery. 

In the same paper two days later .the editor said : 

What will the first of May bring ? The workingmen bold and determined. The decisive- 
day has arrived. The workingman, inspired by the justice of his cause, demands an allevia- 
tion of his lot, a lessening of his burden. The answer, as always, is: "Insolent rabble! 
Do you mean to dictate to us ? That you will do to your sorrow. Hunger will soon rid 
you of your desire for any notions of liberty. Police, executioners and militia will give 
their aid." 

Men of labor, so long as you acknowledge the gracious kicks of your oppressors with 
words of gratitude, so long you are faithful dogs. Have your skulls been penetrated by a 
ray of light, or does hunger drive you to shake off your servile nature, that you offend your 
extortioners ? They are enraged, and will attempt, through hired murderers, to do away 
with you like mad dogs. 

When the eventful day May i arrived, the A rbeiter-Zeitung became 
more menacing than ever, and the following appeared : 

Bravely forward ! The conflict has begun. An army of wage-laborers are idle. Capi- 
talism conceals its tiger claws behind the ramparts of order. Workmen, let your watchword 
be : No compromise ! Cowards to the rear ! Men to the front ! 

The die is cast. The first of May has come. For twenty years the working people have 
been begging extortioners to introduce the eight-hour system, but have been put off with 
promises. Two years ago they resolved that the eight-hour system should be introduced in 
the United States on the first day of May, 1886. The reasonableness of this demand was 
conceded on all hands. Everybody, apparently, was in favor of shortening the hours ; but, as 
the time approached, a change became apparent. That which was in theory modest and 

4. " We mourn the death 
of a workingman more than 
the death of a Gen. Grant." 
6. "Down with Throne, 
Altar and Money-bags." 
7. " Workingmen, arm yourselves." 8. "Every 
Government is a conspiracy against the People." 



reasonable, became insolent and unreasonable. It became apparent at last that the eight- 
hour hymn had only been struck up to keep the labor dunces from Socialism. 

That the laborers might energetically insist upon the eight-hour movement, never occurred 
to the employer. And it is proposed again to put them off with promises. We are not 
afraid of the masses of laborers, but of their pretended leaders. Workmen, insist upon the 
eight-hour movement. "To all appearances it will not pass off smoothly." The extor- 
tioners are determined to bring their laborers back to servitude by starvation. It is a 
question whether the workmen will submit, or will impart to their would-be murderers an 
appreciation of modern views. We hope the latter. 

In the same issue of the Arbeiter-Zeitung also appeared the following, in 
a conspicuous place : 

It is said that on the person of one of the arrested comrades in New York a list of 
membership has been found, and that all the comrades compromised have been arrested. 
Therefore, away -with all rolls of membership, and minute-books, where such are kept. Clean your 
guns, complete your ammunition. The hired murderers of the capitalists, the police and militia, 
are ready to murder. No workingman should leave his house in these days with empty pockets. 

The consummate inconsistency of the Socialists is thus no better illus- 
trated in what has already been shown than in their record in Chicago. 
They have always been eager to jump on top of the band wagon, to para- 
phrase a famous expression of Emery A. Storrs, when they thought that it 
gave them a chance to join in the lead of the procession ; and, the moment 
they had a voice in directing the music, they led it beyond the mere senti- 
ments of a Marseillaise. Take each formidable strike in the city, and 
invariably they have instigated the rabble to deeds of disorder and violence. 
What care they for labor reforms accomplished through peaceable agita- 
tion? It is only when a pretext is presented for widening the breach 
between capital and labor, and hastening the time for revolution, that the 
Socialists join in any movement looking to the real benefit of labor. It is 
true, they have figured in labor reforms, such as the agitation for national 
and State bureaus of labor statistics, the abolition of convict labor in com- 
petition with outside industries, the prevention of child labor in factories 
and work-shops, the sanitary inspection of tenement-houses and factories ; 
but all these have been merely side issues to their one and controlling pur- 
pose Revolution. For appearance' sake they have boasted of their achieve- 
ments in the lines indicated, but it "is a fact of history that, without the 
efforts of non-Socialistic labor, none of the reforms so far accomplished 
would ever have been secured. The fact is that Socialists and Anarchists 
are radically opposed to the whole wage system and only join in the 
demands of law-observing and peace-loving labor as a means to one end 
opportunity for disturbance. For this purpose alone they have become 
members of the Knights of Labor, and, once in, they have proved an ele- 
ment of disorder and contention. So pronounced had they become in 
fomenting trouble during the eight-hour agitation that Mr. Powderly 
finally found it necessary to issue a secret circular to the order in the spring 
of 1886. In that circular, among other things, he said : 



Men who own capital are not our enemies. If that theory held good, the workman of to- 
day would be the enemy of his fellow-toiler on the morrow, for, after all, it is how to acquire 
capital and how to use it properly that we are endeavoring to learn. No ! The man of capital 
is not necessarily the enemy of the laborer ; on the contrary, they must be brought closer 
together. I am well aware that some extremists will say I am advocating a weak plan and 


will say that bloodshed and destruction of property alone will solve the problem. If a man 
speaks such sentiments in an assembly read for him the charge which the Master Workman 
repeats to the newly initiated who join our "army of peace." If he repeats such nonsense 
put him out. 

Wise words and well spoken. 


The Eight-hour Movement Anarchist Activity The Lock-out at Mc- 
Cormick's Distorting the Facts A Socialist Lie The True Facts about McCor- 
mick's Who Shall Run the Shops? Abusing the "Scabs" High Wages for 
Cheap Work The Union Loses $3,000 a Day Preparing for Trouble Arming the 
Anarchists Ammunition Depots Pistols and Dynamite Threatening the Police 
The Conspirators Show the White Feather Capt. O'Donnell's Magnificent Police 
Work The Revolution Blocked A Foreign Reservation An Attempt to Mob the 
Police The History of the First Secret Meeting Lingg's First Appearance in the 
Conspiracy The Captured Documents Bloodshed at McCormick's "The Battle 
Was Lost" Officer Casey's Narrow Escape. 

THE events immediately preceding the inauguration of the eight-hour 
strike were remarkable in the opportunities they afforded Anarchists 
for arousing workingmen against capital and stirring up their worst 
passions. The leaders had already intensified the clamor for reduced 
working-time, and only the occasion was needed to fully arouse the true 
ruffianism behind the Socialistic rabble. This occasion was presented in 
the troubles that grew out of the "lock-out" at McCormick's Harvester 
Works, and, as the facts in connection therewith are necessary to a clear 
and comprehensive understanding of the situation, I shall briefly review 
them. Before doing so, however, it may be well to premise by saying that 
the real state of affairs in that trouble was greatly exaggerated, and that, 
instead of dividing responsibility, the Socialistic orators sought to throw the 
sole burden upon the owners and managers of that establishment, charging 
them, in the heat and excitement of the times, with gross violation of pledged 
faith to the men employed, and instigating even violent resistance to the 
installation of new men, or "scabs," as they were opprobriously termed, 
into the vacated places. 

This so-called "lock-out" occurred on February 16, 1886, and through 
it some twelve hundred men became idle. The Anarchists proceeded at 
once to distort every fact in connection with it. The view they presented 
of the affair may be best shown by "the following extract from a history of 
the Chicago Anarchists published by the Socialistic Publishing Society : 

The employes of that establishment had been for some time perfecting their organization, 
and at last had presented a petition for the redress of certain grievances and a general advance 
of wages. The dispute arose over an additional demand that a guarantee be given that no 
man in the factory should be discharged for having acted as a representative of his comrades. 
This was absolutely refused. A strike in the factory in the preceding April had been adjusted 
on the basis that none of the men who served on committees, etc. , and made themselves con- 
spicuous in behalf of their fellow workmen, would be discharged for so doing. This agreement 
has been wantonly violated, and every man who had incurred the displeasure of Mr. McCor- 
mick was not only discharged, but black-listed, in many cases being unable to obtain employ- 
ment in other shops. 


It thus appears that the Socialist leaders not only hoped to utilize the 
strike to precipitate their revolution, but, by purposely misstating the griev- 
ances of McCormick's men, to engender a bitter and violent feeling against 
that establishment. Now, what were the true facts in the case ? Along in 
February the employes in the works asked for a uniformity of wages, the 
re-employment, as occasion demanded, of all old hands, who had been out 
of work since the strike in April preceding, and the discharge of five non- 
union men employed in the foundry. Mr. Cyrus McCormick generously 
conceded the first two demands, but firmly declined to discharge the non- 
union men, as he regarded this as an interference with the company's right 
of employing whom they pleased. Thereupon the employes held a meeting 
and formulated an ultimatum, in which they insisted upon the discharge as 
requested, "not because," as they said, "they wanted to abridge the priv- 
ilege of hiring and discharging, but because Foreman Ward threatened to 
pursue old hands with such vindictiveness that he would drive them over 
the 'Black Road,' or else they would have to walk in their nakedness," and in 
justice to the old employes the non-union workmen ought to be "thrown 
out." Mr. McCormick took the position that this was an attempt to dictate 
that only union men should be employed in the works, and he finally- 
declared that the company had always decided and always would decide 
who were best suited to do its work, and whom or how many men it would 
employ or discharge. If the concessions already made were not satisfactory, 
he would close the works. 

During the strike of the preceding spring, McCormick had done just 
what other manufacturers had done in similar cases introduced new ma- 
chinery to perform work hitherto done by hand. He had put in new mold- 
ing apparatus and had found that the new machines in the hands of ordinary 
laborers, as soon as they learned to handle them, turned out daily far more 
molds and more reliable ones than the old hand process. On the outbreak 
of the trouble in. February there were fifteen men employed in the foundry, 
ten old hands and five non-union men. The services of all of them 
might thus have been dispensed with, since skilled labor was not necessary, 
and, with the addition of more machines and a few raw hands, just as much 
and just as good work, he claimed, might have been produced. But the 
owners desired to favor the employes, and, having granted a uniformity of 
wages even to the extent of advancing the pay of ordinary labor to $1.50 
per day, a sum greater than that paid by similar industries elsewhere, and 
having promised to give preference to old employes when additional hands 
were needed, they resolved not to be dictated to by outside malcontents nor 
to discharge men who had done efficient work for the company. The grant 
of such a request would, they held, be virtually placing the management of 
the concern in the hands of outsiders. When, therefore, the employes, 
instigated by the Anarchists, resolved to strike for their demand, McCormick 


took time by the forelock and ordered the works closed on and after nine 
o'clock on the morning of February 16, to remain closed until the strikers 
decided to return. By this "lock-out" the employes were deprived of 
$3,000 a day in the shape of wages, that amount representing the daily pay- 
roll of the concern. Meanwhile, pending the lock-out, the company can- 
vassed the possibility of 
an early resumption of 
business and quietly per- 
fected arrangements for 
that step, which they con- 
cluded to take on March i. 
Of course, this contem- 
plated move enraged all 
the groups in the city. 
The strikers in the vicin- 
ity of the factory were es- 
pecially excited. Ever since 
the establishment had 
closed its doors the neigh- 
borhood had been infested 
with idlers and vicious- 
looking men. They had 
all felt confident that the 
firm would be finally 
forced to submit, but when 
it gradually dawned upon 
their minds that arrange- 
ments had actually been 
made for a resumption of 
work without reference 
to the wishes of the ' ' outs," 
they determined to pre- 
vent it by force. They 
were the first to decide on 
violent measures, and they 
presented their purpose to the members of Carpenters' Union No. i. 
The result was that two secret meetings of the armed men of both 
unions were held between February 27 and March 3 at Greif's Hall. 
The first meeting called out nearly all the "armed men" of the Metal- 
workers' Union and about one hundred and forty men belonging to Inter- 
national Carpenters' Union No. i, some with rifles, revolvers and dynamite 
bombs. They then and there formulated a plan to prevent the "scabs" 
from going to work. The plan was that the metal-workers should gather 



in the vicinity of the factory at about five o'clock on the morning the works 
were to be reopened, well equipped with bombs, rifles and revolvers. 
Those who did not possess rifles were to secure revolvers and bombs, 
which could be obtained, they were told, on Blue Island Avenue, between 
Twenty-second Street and McCormick's. At that place, on giving the 
pass-word and number of the place, every member would be supplied. la- 
the event of their running short of ammunition, they were to repair to that 
place, and they would find some one there always to wait on them. It was 
given out that the place was run by the metal-workers, who would see to 
it that all necessary bombs were on hand. Members having friends living 
in the vicinity of the factory were to stay with them over night so as to be 
up bright and early in the morning, and those living at a distance were to 
make it a point to get up early enough to be on hand at the time indicated. 
A point of rendezvous was designated, and, when all had arrived, they were 
to surround the factory and permit no one to enter except on peril of being 
shot. This situation of affairs, they said, would necessarily bring out the 
police, but the moment these should arrive the "armed men" were to open 
fire. The first volley was to be over the heads of the "blue-coats," and if; 
that did not put them to flight, they were to be shot down without mercy. 
When they began to throw bombs the "reds" were all to be in line, so that 
none of their own number would be hurt by the explosions, and wherever 
the police formed a company a solid front was to be presented and a 
rattling fire maintained. They would also form different lines along the 
"Black Road," and when patrol wagons came to the rescue of the officers,, 
they were to hurl bombs at them. 

It was to be a fight to the death. Every one agreed, as I was told, "to 
die game, give no quarter, and see to it that the green grass around 
McCormick's factory was nourished with human blood." In accordance 
with the plan, the members of the Carpenters' Union were to assemble with 
rifles and ammunition at Greif's Hall at an hour not later than six o'clock 
in the morning, and to remain there until orders for their services were 
sent. The carpenters carried out their part of the programme, and at the 
appointed hour there were no less than two hundred of them at the hall, 
fully armed and apparently ready for any emergency. They scattered 
throughout the hall building so as not to attract attention, and impatiently 
awaited orders or information indicating the progress of affairs at the 
factory. But no orders were received. They heard nothing for some 
time, but when they did they were a happier lot of men. The clamor and 
excitement of the hour had stimulated them with a false courage, but 
each had nevertheless entertained a secret hope that there would be no call 
for a display of their valor. And there was none. 

It appears that, on the morning they were to have created such dire 
destruction, the brave metal-workers overslept themselves ! " There was 


snow on the ground," and probably they did not care to defile it with the 
blood of their enemies. None of them appeared at the rendezvous on time, 
and when they straggled around at a later hour they were full of excuses, 
the one on which they principally relied being that their faithful spouses 
had neglected to wake them in time. No one for a moment charged the 
others with cowardice, and yet that was the whole secret of their failure. 
Each had expected others to be at the appointed place ready for the fray, 
but the unanimity with which all had prolonged their slumbers prevented 
what all had expected to see a brilliant victory with themselves beyond 
all danger. 

But about the time these braves should have been around according to 
programme, another party occupied the field. It was the brave and fear- 
less Capt. Simon O'Donnell, of 'the Second Precinct, with two lieutenants 
and three companies of well disciplined officers. They took charge of the 
"Black Road" and the vicinity of McCormick's factory as early as six 
o'clock, and the so-called "scabs" passed into the works, "with none to 
molest them or make them afraid." When those who had overslept 
sneaked around, one after another, they were perfectly amazed. Where 
they had hoped to see the ground strewn with the dead bodies of police- 
men, they found order and serenity. 

In the expectation of seeing some disturbance, the vicinity became 
crowded during the forenoon with idlers and curious people drawn from all 
parts of the city. Seeing this throng and relying on the presence of many 
Anarchists, the daring metal-workers revived their spirits and hoped yet to 
precipitate a conflict by egging it on at a safe distance in the rear. They 
accordingly began to utter loud threats and urge the excited rabble to an 
attack on the "blanked bloodhounds," the police. 

There were in the crowd a lot of half-drunken Polanders and Bohem- 
ians who, living in the neighborhood, claimed that the presence of the 
police was a menace to their personal rights and privileges. The police 
were on what these misguided people considered their own reservation, 
and, with a view to driving them away, some began throwing stones and 
clubs at the officers in the patrol wagons. Others picked out officers apart 
from their companions and made them the targets for their missiles. 
Captain O'Donnell learned, while this disconcerted attack was going on, 
that many of the crowd had revolvers and dynamite in their pockets. He 
speedily resolved on a plan for arresting and disarming such men and gave 
orders to his lieutenants to surround the crowd and search all suspected 
persons. The result was that the following were found to have arms, and 
they were placed under arrest : Stephen Reiski, Adolph Heuman, Charles 
Kosh, Henry Clasen, John Hermann, George Hermann, Ernest Haker, Otto 
Sievert, Emil Kernser, Frank Trokinski and Stanifon Geiner. Detectives 



from the Central Station assisted in the search, and the offenders were 
taken to the Police Court, where they were fined $10 each. 

It was thought that this procedure would quiet the mob, but later in the 
day the Anarchists again gathered around McCormick's. The crowd was 
again surrounded, and the following were arrested for carrying concealed 
weapons : Louis Hartman, William Brecker, Julius Vimert, Peter Pech, 
William Holden, Louis Lingg, Carl Jagush, Samuel Barn, William Meyer, 
Rudolph Miller, John Hoben and John Otto. These were also fined. 

During this trouble at the factory a gang of Anarchists had gathered 
at the Workingmen's Hall on West Twelfth Street, and they had just 
formed a procession to march out in a body to McCormick's, when they 
were surrounded and searched. In this "round-up" the great "Little 
August " Krueger was arrested with a full uniform of the Lehr und Wehr 

Verein under an 
overcoat, and 


number of his 
comrades were 
taken in charge at 
the same time. 
Many of them had 
dynamite bombs, 
a,nd some one 
shouted that "all 
brothers who had 
'stuff' should get 
away and the 
others should as- 
sist them." 

But the police 
were not to be 
trifled with, and 

some of the most daring officers rushed into the thickest of the crowd, and 
succeeded in gathering in several bombs. There were a number of women 
in the mob, and some of these hid bombs under their petticoats. Th5 
officers were of course too gallant to molest them. But the search and 
arrests served to break up the procession and prevent further outbreaks at 
the factory that day. 

Such were the results of the plots of the first secret meeting. The 
second secret gathering, a few days later, was held, as the former had been, 
at Greif 's Hall. It was called by the metal-workers and carpenters jointly. 
They were more demonstrative than ever. Gustav Belz was accorded the 
distinction of presiding over the turbulent members of the Carpenters' 
Union. All of the carpenters belonging to the Lehr und Wehr Verein, 
numbering one hundred and eighty men, were present with their rifles, and 



they were loud for war. At the same time the metal-workers had a gather- 
ing by themselves, and when a delegation from them called on the car- 
penters and announced that they were prepared to engage in battle that 
day, the carpenters' assemblage became delirious with excitement. They 
shouted and jumped about in such a lively manner that some of the more 
conservative members were obliged to warn them to quiet down or they 
would attract the attention of the police. The hot-heads, enraged at this 
caution, retorted by accusing the conservatives of cowardice. They refused 
to be quieted, and, like Comanche Indians about to take to the war-path, 
they examined their revolvers and brandished their guns. They even 
inspected the fuse on their bombs, and insisted that they would be ready 
the moment the command was given. In anticipation of blood, they screwed 
up their courage by frequent libations ; and the more they drank the happier 
they grew over the prospect of speedy acquisition of wealth when once their 
revolution was started. 

It was an uncomfortable place meanwhile for the conservative members, 
and these had frequent occasion during the stormy proceedings to regret 
that they had uttered a word of remonstrance. But there was one who did 
not allow his feelings to get the better of his judgment. It was Balthasar 
Rau. He took the floor and said that, however much he desired to fight 
and sweep McCormick and all other capitalists from the face of the earth, 
yet he could plainly see that the time had not yet arrived for commencing 
the revolution. It would be folly, he insisted, to go out on the streets with 
rifles in hand while all the surroundings were against them and while they 
were not generally prepared to cope with the police and militia. To com- 
mence a general upheaval now would be to destroy their prospects in the 
immediate future. 

"Before you make war," said Rau, "you must have something to fall 
back on ; but now we have nothing. We ought to have a treasury well 
filled. If we inaugurate a fight we must expect that some of us will be 
killed, others wounded, and others again arrested. Where is the money to 
help those in distress ? What will your families do if you are killed ? You 
must take all these things into consideration. It is very easy for us to go 
<?ut, shoot and kill somebody, but what can we expect to gain by all that ? 
We must be ready and prepared and protected." 

This speech had a soothing effect upon some, but Belz wanted blood, 
and that immediately. He despised the capitalists, and the sooner their 
blood was spilled the better it would suit him. The majority of the meeting 
expressed a concurrence in Rau's ideas, and one member emphasized Rau's 
remarks by saying that it would be like a man going out on the streets, 
pounding another and then running away nothing was gained. 

Belz, seeing the drift of sentiment, grew very angry, and he suggested 
that some one move an adjournment to some other day, when they might 



hope to get together a braver lot of men. Such a motion was made, and 
the gathering separated, those that were not too drunk posting off at once 
for home. 

Belz grew quite demonstrative over the lack of results at this meeting, 
and avowed that he would have nothing more to do with such a crowd of 

SPECIMEN RIOTERS I. From Photographs taken by the Police Department. 

cowards. A few days thereafter, however, another meeting was held ; but, 
in view of the many arrests Captain O'Donnell had made among their mem- 
bers, they were unable to decide upon any business. Some of the hot- 
heads threw all the blame on Rau and some of his friends for having pre- 
vented decisive action when they might have hoped to come out victorious. 
But all this sort of talk was simply braggadocio, and had any of these loud- 
mouthed fellows been actually tried, they would have been found skulking 
in the rear of an attacking party. Prior and subsequent events proved 
them all trembling cowards when their own personal safety was at stake. 

Perhaps the most dangerous, because the most secret, figure in the 
cabal at this time was Louis Lingg. He seems to have been chosen 
especially to direct the revolutionary design in the southwest part of the 
city, and his counsels permeated every Socialistic circle in that section. In 
his trunk, after his arrest, the following letter was found in his own hand- 
writing, evidently a copy or the original of one sent : 

Dear Brother Union: On the occasion of the last general meeting in Zepf's Hall the 
International Carpenters' Union passed a resolution asking the Furniture Makers' Union if 
they were satisfied with the doings of their delegates, especially with Mr. Hausch and Mr. 
Mende, who had agreed to take the leadership of the revolution. ... It is natural that 
the governing class would take these their means as soon as the workingmen would try 



to take their rights. In consequence of these facts we feel it our duty to call the attention of 
indifferent workingmen to these facts and suggest the adoption of force, power against power, 
and urge all to arm yourselves. Therefore, stand with all your energy against the system of 
profit without regard to the way they prepare themselves. We request our brother union to 
acquaint us with their point of view, so we can form our plans accordingly. 
With greeting and the shaking of the hand. 


Lingg likewise issued a personal address, a copy of which was also found 
in the trunk, urging the laborers of the Southwest Side to practice in the 
handling of arms. Among other things found written over his signature, is 
the following : 

Our authorized demands are replied to with clubs, powder and lead. In consequence of 
these experiences it is no more than right that we adopt force and arm ourselves. The 
opportunity to arm yourselves cheaply can be ascertained from all well-known comrades, as 
well as armed organization, where you can find good places to drill. Don't let this oppor- 
tunity pass. The medicine dynamite, in leaden bomb, is more powerful than the rifle. Don't 
iorget the opportunity. 

Lingg also sent another circular to his comrades in that section, of 
which the following is a copy : 

Brothers: As you have noticed for a long time past that the police are more than ready 
to break your heads with their murderous clubs and do not care whether they make you 
cripples for the balance of your miserable days, and do not care whether your wives and 
children have to go begging for you after you become useless ; neither do they care for the 
loving young son that supports his old parents, whether they kill him or not : therefore, tak- 


SPECIMEN RIOTERS. II. From Photographs taken by the Police Department. 

ing all these things into consideration, that these policemen are ready, under the instruction 
of the capitalists, to commit murder on the working people, I say we must resist these 
monsters, and the way we must do this is to get ready and be all like one man. We must 
fight them with as good weapons, even better than they possess, and, therefore, I call you 
all to arms ! As we are no capitalists, we can make arrangements in a gun-factory outside 



of this State. Have this matter treated very confidentially. Have only a committee of 
three members to buy arms as cheaply as possible, and see if there can be anything secured 
on half credit, so that you can also give time to the buyer. In this way you can get all new 
and good arms and better than the police have. Then I call your attention again and impress- 
on your minds that it is not alone enough that you have the arms ; you must also understand 


SPECIMEN RIOTERS III. From Photographs taken by the Police Department. 

how to use them so that you can be equally well drilled with them as your opponents. Then- 
you can give them successful resistance. And now, to make this matter very easy and a 
success for all, the workingmen of this city, with the third company of the Lehr und Wehr 
Verein and some members of the International Carpenters' Union, held a meeting yesterday, 
and they all agreed to give lessons in drill to any one that wanted to learn how to use arms. 
All the people so desiring should call every Thursday evening at 8 o'clock at Turner Hall 
" Vorwaerts," on West Twelfth Street, and there they will receive instructions free of charge. 
I want you Southwest Side people to be as useful with arms as the people on the North 
and Northwest sides. We have everything about as complete as we wish it to be. On the- 
North Side we have Neff's or Thuringia Hall, No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, and you can come 
and visit us there and see the boys drill. We have a man named Hermann, and he is a soldier 
from the old home and a first-class drillmaster, and always pleased to see new recruits. Now, 
workingmen of the Southwest Side, I beg of you to make use of this opportunity. Do not 
let this go by like a dream. Remember, we are all one. It does not matter whether you are- 
on the South, North or West Side ; we must all fight for a purpose. Do not stay at home 
and let your brothers be killed when you can help them and make your cause a victory. 
Come in large masses, come often, come promptly. If you do this, everything will bean easy 
matter for us to undertake. Our labor will be rewarded. . . . The first of May is com- 
ing near. We will have to kill the monster. We must be ready to meet him. This is our 
only chance now. Probably we will not have this opportunity to meet the monster so that 
we can fight him with our weapons. You must kill the pirates. You must kill the blood- 
suckers; and for the first time in ages the poor workingmen will be made happy. Our work, 
is short ; we do not want a thirty years' war. Be determined. Do not let your near relation, 
if he is an enemy, stand in your way. Doing all this, then, the victory is ours. 

Louis LINGG. 



In the work of stirring up bad blood, Lingg seems to have neglected no 
point likely to count with the dissatisfied laborers. He knew that among the 
strikers were a great many German Knights of Labor, ,and, with an ingenuity 
worthy of a better cause, he took occasion particularly to point out an article 
published in the Arbeiter-Zeitung of April 22, 1886, giving Governor 
Oglesby's views on boycotting. This paper was afterwards found in his 
trunk, somewhat soiled from frequent usage, and the article in question, for 
convenience of reference, had been heavily marked with a lead-penciL 
Lingg no doubt figured that those who believed in the boycott would there- 
after array themselves solidly on the side of those who favored force. A 
translation of the Governor's remarks, as given in the Arbeiter-Zeitung, is as 
follows : 

The system of boycotting is the most damnable proposal which was ever fabricated. It 
repudiates the Constitution, the law and everything. It is the devil's invention. Yes (speak- 
ing to John V. Farwell), when it has so far progressed that the militia is obliged to interfere, 
you will find that these d d boycotters will come to them (the merchants and business men)- 
and say, ' ' You must prohibit your employes joining the militia, and those who persist in 
belonging must be discharged from employment, or you will be boycotted." This is a fine 
arrangement. It is true that, meeting with opposition all over, it will die out, but I tell you 
it is the most damnable transgression which was ever concocted. 

Parsons and Schwab also took a hand in the McCormick "lock-out," 
but they used the platform to arouse the people to force. On the 2d of 



SPECIMEN RIOTERS IV. From Photographs taken by the Police Department. 

March a mass-meeting of Anarchists and hot-headed strikers was held at 
the West Twelfth Street Turner Hall. Parsons and Schwab were the chief 
speakers. They were particularly abusive of the owners and the superin- 
tendent of the works, and advised the use of violence against the police- 


So incendiary were the speeches that E. E. Sanderson, a member of the 
.strikers' standing committee, took occasion to denounce the proceedings. 

"Such speakers," he declared, "cause every spark of sympathy to dis- 
appear and bring us into disrepute." If he had had the power, he said, he 
would have stopped the gathering. He belonged to the true laboring class, 
and to properly voice its sentiments he hired another hall for the next day. 

The continued presence of the police at the works finally restored order 
in the vicinity, and it seemed as if the Anarchists had abandoned any further 
intention of violence. But they were secretly at work, biding their time 
and watching their opportunity. It came on the afternoon of May 3. At 
this time between 40,000 and 50,000 men in Chicago were out of employ- 
ment by reason of the eight-hour strike. Excitement ran high throughout 
the city. The reaper works were now almost in full operation, and, led by 
the Anarchists, some of the hot-headed strikers, grown impatient over the 
apparent failure of their plan, made an assault upon the "scabs" at work 
in the shops. The instigators of this attack and the principal assailants 
were Anarchists, who exerted themselves to the utmost to bring on a deadly 
conflict between the police and the unemployed. 

For the day in question a meeting of the Lumber-shovers' Union had 
been called in the vicinity to receive the report of a committee who had 
waited on their employers with reference to the eight-hour question. The 
Socialists, learning of this, determined to make use of the opportunity. 
The union was composed of over six thousand lumber workingmen, three 
thousand Bohemians and over three thousand Germans, and had no connec- 
tion with the McCormick strike, but it occurred to the Central Labor Union 
that, inasmuch as many of them were adherents of Socialism, it would be no 
difficult matter to incite them to riotous demonstrations. On the day pre- 
ceding, Spies had been delegated by his union to address the gathering. 
The president of the Lumber Union, Frank Haraster, had become cogni- 
zant of the Anarchists' intentions, and had taken occasion to warn the men 
against either listening to Socialistic orators or participating in a riot. But 
there were mutterings of discontent, and the crowd was in a revengeful 
mood. There were no less than 8,600 people at the gathering some esti- 
"mated the number as high as 15,000. Some were intent on revolution, an'd 
others had been drawn to the scene through idle curiosity. 

It only needed a spark to create a tremendous conflagration. Anar- 
chists were busy among the various groups that had collected. For several 
days they had labored early and late in the locality to stimulate revolution- 
ary action. Their plans had been carefully concocted, and their network 
of conspiracy extended in every direction. They had opened channels of 
subterranean communication, and so arranged their mines of Socialistic 
powder that at the appointed time they hoped to produce an explosion that 
would reverberate throughout the globe. That appointed time, they figured, 


had arrived with the inauguration of the eight-hour movement, and in the 
lock-out at McCormick's the first opportunity was presented for a general 
upheaval. This was their hope and the burden of their care. 

When, therefore, a coterie of trained Anarchists appeared on the scene 
of trouble, evidently by a preconcerted arrangement, with the Nation's, 
flag reversed and trailing in mud and muck, the wildest excitement was 
aroused, and only a leader was necessary to connect the electric currents, 
of suppressed hostility to start an outburst of violent deeds. 

The occasion brought forth that leader in the person of the impulsive 
and impetuous Spies. He, with some trusted lieutenants, mounted a box- 
car in the vicinity of the meeting of the lumber-shovers and the McCor- 
mick works. He gathered about him an immense crowd, and, speaking in 
German, called the attention of his auditors to the "brutalities of capital,, 
its selfishness and its grinding oppression" of wage-workers, rendering 
their condition worse than that of slaves. With fiery invective he wrought 
up the feelings of the mob to a pitch of reckless frenzy. In the climaxes 
of his envenomed utterances, he held the multitude with a charmed spell,, 
and he evoked their highest plaudits when he counseled violence as a 
means to redress their grievances. 

Before the termination of this lurid speech, many hitherto apparently- 
apathetic had caught the infection, and when some of the non-union men 
emerged from the gate at the McCormick foundry, on the conclusion of 
their day's labor, the hour being three o'clock, many of the mob rushed 
to the establishment, bent on wreaking vengeance. They had hardly 
begun to move when some one on the box-car shouted : " Go up and kill 

the d d scabs ! " The identity of this person has never been disclosed,. 

but it is no rash conclusion to suppose that it was a confidant of Spies, as- 
well as of Lingg, who had secret charge of fomenting disturbances in that 
district. Lingg was present at this gathering, and, as he subsequently 
claimed that he had been clubbed by the police in the riot that followed,, 
he may possibly have raised the cry himself. 

The mob reached the works in short order, hurling stones and firing 
shots into the windows of the guard-house, which they finally demolished. 
The non-union men, seeing the approaching mob, took to flight, some 
seeking shelter in the works and others scampering across the prairie 
beyond reach. There were at this time only two policemen on duty. One 
of them, J. A. West, endeavored to pacify the crowd, but received in 
response bricks and mud. The other for awhile, as well as he could, held 
the mob at bay at the gate. West finally worked his way through the 
crowd to a patrol box, and turned in an alarm for reinforcements. Mean- 
while the mob disported itself in throwing stones and firing revolvers, and 
finally forced an entrance through the gate to the yards. 

Presently a patrol wagon loaded with officers plowed through the tur- 



bulent mass, and, securing the ground between the mob and the buildings, 
began driving out and dispersing the rioters. This only served to infuriate 
the Anarchists, who fired in the direction of the police and hurled a shower 
of stones. The officers remonstrated in vain, warning the mob to keep 
back, and finally made a rush upon the rioters with revolvers drawn, shoot- 
ing right and left. 

The crowd swayed to and fro, retreated slightly, then rallied again, and, 
diverging to either side in a jumbled but compact body, seemed bent on 


holding their ground and fighting for every inch of it. But the dashing and 
aggressive movements of the police, backed by courage and discipline, soon 
demonstrated to the howling rabble the hopelessness of the struggle. The 
very air seemed charged with bullets, clubs and missiles. Revolvers clicked 
furiously, the exigencies of the moment necessitating their use on 
the part of the police, and several revolutionists bit the dust, maimed and 
wounded. What seems strange is that none were killed in this furious 

The mob, which numbered fully 8,000, was soon put to precipitate flight. 
Some of the most vicious leaders, however, kept up a rattling fire of guns, 



revolvers, brickbats and sticks so long as their retreat was measurably 
covered by the fleeing mob surrounding them. Several of these leaders, 
with their weapons still smoking, were subsequently overtaken, disarmed 
and locked up. 

During all this short affray, Spies was nowhere to be seen, but, the 
moment all danger seemed past, he emerged from his seclusion, breathing 
courage and vengeance. He bounded into the field like one ready to 
sacrifice himself for his cause, but cautiously kept himself where no stray 
bullets might reach him. Another singular feature in connection with the 
part he played in the affair was his attempt to parade his own heroic virtues, 
by implication, in the denunciations and upbraidings he heaped upon his 
comrades in the account published of the riot on the very afternoon after 
its occurrence. This 
is what he said in 
the Arbeiter-Zeitung: 

The writer of this 
hastened to the factory 
as soon as the first shots 
were fired, and a com- 
rade urged the assembly 
to hasten to the rescue 
of their brothers, who 
were being murdered, 
but none stirred. . . . 
The writer ran back. He 
implored the people to 
come along, those who 
had revolvers in their 
pockets, but it was in 
vain. With an exasper- 
ating indifference they 
put their hands in their 
pockets and marched home, babbling as if the whole affair did not concern them in the 
least. The revolvers were still cracking, and fresh detachments of police, here and there 
bombarded with stones, were hastening to the battle-ground. The battle was lost ! 

A riot on a smaller scale occurred shortly after this in another locality, 
instigated by the Anarchists who had been so severely repulsed in the 
afternoon. After the McCormick outbreak one of the wounded strikers 
was taken in a patrol wagon to the Twelfth Street Station, and thence to his 
home on Seventeenth Street. Officer Casey was one of the men in charge 
of the wagon, and remained behind at the house to take a report of the 
man's name, his residence and the nature of his injuries. When the 
officer came out of the wounded man's home, he was set upon by a mob, 
shouting : 

"Hang him ! Hang the blue-coat ! " 

A Bohemian, named Vaclav Djenek, cried out: 




"Help me ; help me to hang the canaille!" 

Two or three came to his side and endeavored to execute the threat. 
Casey by a great effort managed to get away, and started on a run. Pistol 
shots were fired after him by the mob, but fortunately he escaped without 

A patrol wagon from the West Chicago Avenue Station had mean- 
while been telephoned for by some peace-loving citizens, and it rapidly 

dashed up to the scene of disturbance. 
The officers saw the whole situation, 
dispersed the mob, and set about 
arresting the parties who had so 
nearly succeeded in hanging the offi- 
cer. They found that it had been a 
very close call for Casey, that the rope 
was ready, and that, had it not been 
for his own Herculean efforts, he 
would have dangled from a lamp- 
post in a very few seconds. 

Djenek, who was afterwards rec- 
ognized as the principal actor in 
this episode, was run down and 
placed under arrest. He was tried 
and sentenced to one year in the 
penitentiary. During the trial two 
HfpjglBI? officers of the West Chicago Avenue 
\\mm 3 m Station happened to be in the State's 

Attorney's office when a lot of Bohe- 
FRANZ MIKOLANDA, A POLISH CONSPIRATOR, mian literature and Anarchist uten- 
From a Photograph. s ^ s we re being exhibited. Among 

other things, they noticed a photograph of Franz Mikolanda, and they 
at once exclaimed : 

"This is the other man who helped Djenek to hang Casey!" 
Mikolanda appeared at the trial for the purpose of swearing to an alibi 
for Djenek, and was promptly recognized. He had no sooner left the 
witness-stand than he was arrested on a warrant and subsequently prose- 
cuted. He was found guilty and sentenced to six months in the Bridewell. 


The Coup d'etat a Miscarriage Effect of the Anarchist Failure at 
McCormick's "Revenge" Text of the Famous Circular The German Version 
An Incitement to Murder Bringing on a Conflict Engel's Diabolical Plan The 
R61e of the Lehr und Wehr Verein The Gathering of the Armed Groups Fischer's 
Sanguinary Talk The Signal for Murder " Ruhe " and its Meaning Keeping 
Clear of the Mouse-Trap The Haymarket Selected Its Advantages for Revo- 
lutionary War The Call for the Murder Meeting "Workingmen, Arm Yourselves" 
Preparing the Dynamite The Arbeiter-Zeitung Arsenal The Assassins' Roost at 
58 Clybourn Avenue The Projected Attack on the Police Stations - Bombs for All 
who Wished Them Waiting for the Word of Command Why it was not Given 
The Leaders' Courage Fails. 

NEVER was that old saying, "Whom the gods wish to destroy they 
first make mad," better illustrated than in the actions of the Anar- 
chist leaders after their desperate exploits at McCormick's Works. That 
riot was to have been the pivotal point in their social revolution. It 
turned out a humiliating fiasco. They had hoped to make a coup d'ttat for 
the scarlet banner and had counted upon such a victory as would terrorize 
Capital, appal the people and paralyze the arm of constituted authority. 
When they discovered that the police had escaped with only slight bruises, 
that some of their own comrades had been seriously wounded and that 
even the so-called "scabs" had passed through the onslaught with noth- 
ing worse than fright, their rage knew no bounds. They saw that " the 
battle had been lost," and prompt, energetic action seemed necessary to 
retrieve the situation. 

Spies, their recognized leader, while the perspiration still dripped from 
his face, and his blood still fired by his speech to the strikers and his 
" heroic efforts " to rally the routed and fleeing Socialists, seized a pen, 
and, dipping it into the gall of his indignation, wrote what subsequently 
became famous as the "Revenge Circular." It was printed in German 
and English, and an exact fac-simile is presented herewith. The German 
version is somewhat different from the English, being addressed to the 
adherents of Anarchy and Socialism, the English version seeming to have 
been intended for Americans in general. Several thousand copies were 
scattered throughout the city. 

The wording of the English portion of the circular may be seen in the 
illustration. The German portion, translated, reads as follows : 

Revenge ! Revenge ! Workmen to arms ! 

Men of labor, this afternoon the bloodhounds of your oppressors murdered six of your 
brothers at McCormick's. Why did they murder them ? Because they dared to be dissatis- 
fied with the lot which your oppressors have assigned to them. They demanded bread, and 
they gave them lead for an answer, mindful of the fact that thus people are most effectually 
silenced. You have for many years endured every humiliation without protest, have drudged 


1 3 o 



Workingmen, to Arms!!! 

Your masters sent out their bloodhound the 'police - ; they killed six of your 
brothers at McCormicka this aff moon. They killed the. poor wretches,, because they, 
like you, had the courage Co disobey the supreme will of your bosses. They kl'led 
them, because they dared ask for the shortenin of [he hours of toil . They* killed them 
to show you, - fffti .American Citizens". tbat you >miKt be satisfied and 
Contended with whatever your bosses condescend to allow you, or you will get killed! 
You have for years endured the most abject humiliations; you have for years 
Buffered unmeasurnbie iniquities; you have worked yourself to death; you have endured 
the pangs of want nd hunger; your Children you have sacrificed to the factory -lords 
in short: You have been miserable and obedient slave all these yeara: Why? To satisfy 
the insatiable greed, to flll the coffers of your lazy thieving master? When you. ask them 
glow to lessen your burden, he sends his bloodhounds out to shoot you, kill you! 

If you ar men, if you are the sons of your grand sires, who have shed theiAlood to free 
you. then you will rise i your might. Hercules, and destroy the hideous monster that 
seeks to destroy you. To arms we call you, to ermsl 


from early in the morning until late at night, have suffered all sorts of privation, have even 
sacrificed your children. You have done everything to fill the coffers of your masters 

everything for them ! 
And now, when you ap- 
proach them and im- 
plore them to make your 
burden a little lighter, as 
a reward for your sacri- 
fices, they send their 
bloodhounds, the police, 
at you, in order to cure 
you with bullets of your 
dissatisfaction. Slaves, 
we ask and conjure you, 
by all that is sacred and 
dear to you, avenge the 
atrocious murder that 
has been committed 
upon your brothers to- 
day and which will likely 
be committed upon you 
to-morrow. Laboring 
men, Hercules, you have 
arrived at the cross-way. 
Which way will you de- 
cide ? For slavery and 
hunger or for freedom 
and bread ? If you de- 
cide for the latter, then 
do not delay a mo- 
ment ; then, people, to 
crms ! Annihilation to 
the beasts in human form 
who call themselves rul- 
ers ! Uncompromising 
annihilation to them ! 
This must be your motto. 
Think of the heroes 
whose blood has fertil- 
ized the road to prog- 
ress, liberty and hu- 
manity, and strive to 
become worthy of them ! 


Not content with this, Spies also wrote and published, in the Arbeiter- 
Zeitung of May 4, the following : 

BLOOD ! Lead and Powder as a Cure for Dissatisfied Workingmen. About Six Laborers 

Mortally, and Four Times that Number Slightly, Wounded. Thus are the Eight-hour 

Men Intimidated! This is Law and Order. Brave Girls Parading the City!-~-The 

Law and Order Beasts Frighten Hungry Children away with Clubs. 

Six months ago, when the eight-hour movement began, representatives of the I. A. A. 

called upon workmen to arm if they would enforce their demand. Would the occurrence of 


glclirttcr, ?it ttm Mteffen! 

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tral SBoIt urn ltf|amftfn jinn. 6<$Dtigi biinjin faun! SBitU. :ti.Ic a=b.ti labl 3bt oUc SDrafliblgungin obnt 
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gun Ct ibri SBlutbanbi, bit Scluil, au| IJuit, urn @ud) rail 9Iiitu;tln Don tit Un;ufiitbrnb(lt. >u tutltm 
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taan b'uic on Suicn ffliubtin bijinj. unb oiillti^t motgin fa)on-an Quit miib. Htbttunbti Soif, $tttat<e, 3ju 
IIS am eijtlbiciea anjtlanjt. SBofSt mlHtikijl Du 9Di4? BUI Sflaomi. .unb Burger, (ttt fui gtiliili.iinb Stub? 
(Snlliitlbtfl Du Di4 fit Dai Stbtttl, bann (Sume ftmtn laqcnblii ; bann. Bolt, (U btn Bitjtn I '.Sttniiblunj btn mtn[o)< 
JUm Ctflien. btc (Id) Dime fctnt^et nenntn ! KCifityllofc JDttniiiiuna ibntn bo! mu6 Seine Veiling |tip I S>C 
*i Ot'bcn, btttn 8lu' btn 9Ec( jum goi'.l^iill, jut gtliS't! unb jut. SDltn!4:ia)'<it jtbOnjt unb (lute, ib,tt 

(Sate iii&f. 

Engraved from the Original by direct Photographic Process. 


yesterday have been possible had that advice been followed ? Yesterday, at McCormick's 
factory, so far as can now be ascertained, four workmen were killed and twenty-five more or 
less seriously wounded. If members who defended themselves with stones (a few of them 
had little snappers in the shape of revolvers) had been provided with good weapons and one 
single dynamite bomb, not one of the murderers would have escaped his well-merited fate. 
This massacre was to fill the workmen of this city with fear. Will it succeed ? 

A meeting of the lumber employes was held yesterday at the Black Road to appoint a 
committee to wait on the committee of the owners and present the demands agreed upon. 
It was an immense meeting. Several speeches were made in English, German and Polish. 
Finally Mr. Spies was introduced, when a Pole cried, "That is a Socialist," and great dis- 
approbation was expressed, but the speaker continued, telling them that they must realize 
their strength, and must not recede from their demands ; that the issue lay in their hands, 
and needed only resolution on their part. 

At this point some one cried, "On to McCormick's! Let us drive off the scabs," and 
about two hundred ran toward McCormick's. The speaker, not knowing what occurred, 
continued his speech, and was appointed afterwards a member of the committee to notify 
the bosses of the action. 

Then a Pole spoke, when a patrol wagon rushed up to McCormick's, and the crowd began 
to break up. Shortly shots were heard near McCormick's factory, and about seventy-five 
well-fed, large and strong murderers, under command of a fat police lieutenant, marched by, 
followed by three more patrol wagons full of law and order beasts. Two hundred police 
were there in less than ten minutes, firing on fleeing workingmen and women. The writer 
hastened to the factory, while a comrade urged the assembly to rescue their brothers, 

unavailingly. A young Irishman said to the writer: "What miserable ( ) are those 

who will not turn a hand while their brothers are being shot down in cold blood ! We have 
dragged away two. I think they are dead. If you have any influence with the people, 
for Heaven's sake, run back and urge them to follow you." The writer did so in vain. 
The revolvers were still cracking ; fresh policemen arriving ; and the battle was lost. It 
was about half-past three that the little crowd from the meeting reached McCormick's 
factory. Policeman West tried to hold them back with his revolver, but was put to 
flight with a shower of stones and roughly handled. The crowd bombarded the factory 
windows with stones and demolished the guard-house. The scabs were in mortal terror, 
when the Hinman Street patrol wagon arrived. They were about to attack the crowd with 
their clubs, when a shower of stones was thrown, followed the next minute by the firing by 
the police upon the strikers. It was pretended subsequently that they fired over their heads. 
The strikers had a few revolvers and returned the fire. Meantime, more police arrived, and 
then the whole band opened fire on the people. The people fought with stones, and are said 
to have disabled four policemen. The gang, as always, fired upon the fleeing, while women 
and men carried away the severely wounded. How many were injured cannot be told. A 
dying boy, Joseph Doebick, was brought home on an express wagon by two policemen. Tin 
crowd threatened to lynch the officer, but were prevented by a patrol wagon. Various 
strikers were arrested. McCormick said that "August Spies made a speech to a few thousand 
Anarchists and then put himself at the head of a crowd and attacked our works. Our 
workmen fled, and meantime the police came and sent a lot of Anarchists away with bleeding 

Mark well the language, seeking to inflame the minds of the Socialists 
by maliciously stating that four men had been killed, when in fact not one 
was fatally injured, its bitter invective, its cunning phraseology, its rude 
eloquence and its passionate appeal. All were well calculated to stir up 
revengeful feelings at a time when public sentiment ran high throughout the 

1 3 2 


city. The events following close upon the heels of the eight-hour strike 
were critical in the extreme, and none knew the exact situation better than 
the Anarchist leaders. Their course had been shaped with special reference 
to it. Their secret plottings were directed by the events of the hour. The 
time had come, they felt, when the Commune should be proclaimed. It 

would not do, they urged, 
to let the opportunity pass. 
The failure of the McCor- 
mick riot at once suggested 
retaliation in a manner best 
known to themselves, and 
the circular was fulminated 
with a clear knowledge that 
its import would be readily 
understood by all in the 

Attention WerinngmBn! 

TO-NIGHT, at 7.30 o'clock, 

Good Speakers will be present to denounce the latest 

atrocious act of the police, the shooting of our 

fellow-workmen yesterday afternoon. 

Workinpen Arm Yourselves and Appear in Full Force! 


dark secret 



r p $ c 


0eute WM ni, dalfi 8 tHr, auf bem 

But that there might be 
no misdirected effort, and 
that all might be properly 
instructed for the emer- 
gency, it was deemed best 
to hold a secret conference. 
The hour seemed to have 
arrived when their armed 
sections, the various groups 
of the order trained in the 
use of guns and explosives, 
should be brought into 
requisition, and the police 
in particular and the public 
in general be made to feel 
their power. How best to 
accomplish this purpose had 
been uppermost in their 
minds from the moment of their disaster at the reaper works. A conflict 
between the police and the strikers had been counted upon as a certainty 
under their inspiration, and plans looking to the best means of taking 
advantage of this strike as well as the eight-hour strike had been dis- 
cussed even before the McCormick riot. 

Only so short a time as the day before that event, the members of the 
.second company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein and of the Northwest Side 
groups had met in joint session at Bohemian Hall, on Emma Street, and 

SHebner rocrben ben iteucftcn djurfenftreidj 
inbem fie gefterirSZadjmittag unfere Sriiber erfdjojj, geifceltu 

^lr better, bcuajfnct (furl) unb rrfdjttnt mafjcnWt! 

Photographic Engraving, direct from the Original. 


considered the probabilities in view of the eight-hour movement. They 
clearly foresaw a conflict, and, among other things, discussed a plan to 
meet that contingency. This plan, proposed by Engel and indorsed by 
Fischer, and subsequently confessed by one of the conspirators present at 
that meeting, was that whenever it came to a conflict between the police 
and the Northwest groups, bombs should be thrown into the police stations. 
The riflemen of the Lehr und Wehr Verein should post themselves in line 
at a certain distance, and whoever came out of the stations should be shot 
down. They would then come into the heart of the city, where the fight 
would commence in earnest. The members of the Northwest Side groups 
were counseled to mutually assist each other in making the attack upon 
the -police, and "if any one had anything with him, he should use it." "As 
the police would endeavor to subdue the workingmen by sending all their 
available force to the place of attack, the Anarchists could easily blow up 
the stations, and such officers as might effect an escape from the buildings 
could be killed by their riflemen. Then they would cut the telegraph 
wires so as to prevent communication with other stations, after which they 
would proceed to the nearest station and destroy that. On their way they 
would throw fire bombs at some of the buildings, and this would call out the 
Fire Department and prevent the firemen from being called upon to quell 
the riot. While proceeding thus they would secure reinforcements, and, in 
the intense excitement following, the police as well as militia would become 
confused and divided in counsel as to the points where they could do the 
most effective service. The attacks should be almost simultaneous in dif- 
ferent parts of the city at a given signal. When they all finally reached 
the center of the city, they would set fire to the most prominent buildings 
and attack the jail, open the doors and set free the inmates to join them in 
future movements." 

This plan, it is almost needless to remark, was unanimously adopted. 
But concerted action was necessary among all the groups, and in view of 
the " skull-cracking," to use their own phrase, on the afternoon of May 3, a 
secret conference of all groups was determined upon as a supplement to 
Spies' pronunciamento and as an incitement to future revolutionary move- 
ments. A notice understood by all in the armed sections " Y, come 
Monday evening" was inserted in the Arbeiter-Zeitung. The commander 
of the Lehr und Wehr Verein rented a beer basement at No. 54 West 
Lake Street, known to the followers of Socialism as Greif's Hall, and along 
towards eight o'clock representatives of all the armed sections of the 
Internationale gathered there. In order that the utmost privacy might be 
maintained, guards were posted both at the front and rear entrances with 
instructions to permit no one to stand on the outside and to admit only 
trusted adherents. ' 


When the session opened there were between seventy and eighty mem- 
bers of the various sections present. Their deliberations were presided 
over by Gottfried Waller, who subsequently became an important witness 
for the State. 

Spies' " Revenge circular," written late that afternoon, was distributed 
in the meeting, and its sentiments were heartily seconded by all present. 
Engel finally submitted the plan already given, and some discussion followed, 
participated in by various members. Fischer considered the plan admir- 
able, and, lest there might be evidence of weakness, he stated that if any man 
acted the part of a coward, his own dagger or a bullet from his rifle should 
pierce that man's heart. Inquiries being made with reference to a supply 
of bombs, he suggested that the members manufacture them on their own 
account. The best thing, he said, was to procure a tin coffee-bottle, fill it 
with benzine, attach a cap and fuse, and they would have a most effective 

Engel's plan went through with a rush. Having now agreed upon a 
definite course, it was necessary to adopt a signal to warn the sections of 
danger and summon them to action. Fischer was equal to the occasion. 
He proposed the German word " Ruhe," signifying "rest" or "peace," 
and added that whenever it should appear in the "Letterbox" column of 
the Arbeiter-Zeitung, all would know that the moment for decisive action 
had been reached, and that all were expected to repair promptly to their 
appointed meeting-places, fully armed and ready for duty. The suggestion 
was adopted. 

But what are plans without being fortified by enthusiasm on the part of 
the mob expected to carry them out ? The Socialistic heart must be fired 
to a proper pitch of frenzy. Every soul must be made to feel that the 
cause of Socialism is his own. A mass-meeting was just the thing, and a 
mass-meeting it was decided by this august band of conspirators to call. 
The time was the only point in controversy. The chairman insisted on 
holding it the following morning on Market Square, which is a widening of 
Market Street between Madison and Randolph Streets, but Fischer pro- 
tested, because, as he said, it was a. " mouse trap," and insisted that the 
meeting be held in the evening, when they could bring out a crowd of no 
less than 25,000 people, and that the Haymarket be the place. There, he 
said, they would have greater security in case of disturbance, and more and 
better means of escape. His counsel finally prevailed, and after a call had 
been suitably drafted, Fischer was intrusted with its printing. 

Remembering that "what is everybody's business is nobody's business," 
the meeting decided to appoint a committee, consisting of one or two 
members from each group. This committee was to keep a close watch on all 
movements that might be made at Haymarket Square and in different parts 
of the city, and, in the event of a conflict, to promptly report it to the 



members of the various armed sections by the insertion in the Arbeiter- 
Zeitung of the word " Ruhe " if there was trouble during the day, or illum- 
inating the sky with a red light at night. If either signal could not be 
conveniently used, then they were to notify the members individually. 

Before the conclusion of this secret conclave, every one present was 
directed to notify absent 
members of what had been 
done, and Rudolph Schnau- 
belt, who has since been 
proven the thrower of the 
bomb which scattered death 
and devastation on the 
following evening, wished 
to go even further and have 
Socialists in other cities noti- 
fied so that the proposed rev- 
olution might become gen- 
eral. The instigators of the 
meeting just described were 
Spies, Parsons, Fielden and 
Neebe, but for some reason 
they failed to put in an ap- 

In accordance with ar- 
rangements, the call for the 
mass-meeting was printed 
the next morning. There 
were two versions of this 
call. Fac-similes of both are 

In the afternoon of May 

Attention Workingw! 

TO-NIGHT, at 7.30^o'clock, 

HAYMARKET, Biflil,ijiine!i anil HalM 

Good Speakers will be present to denounce the latest 

atrocious act of the police, the shooting of our 

fellow-workmen yesterday afternoon. 



, (jttlli 8 Ul)r, mif item 

9f<tn&oty& s <5tro&e, jtoifcbeu 


Stebner locrben ben ncueftrn ctjurfenftreid) 
tnbem fie geftern 9>{ad)fmttag uufere ^Bciibcr trfdjofe, gdjjeln. 

Photographic Engraving, direct from the Original. 

4 the signal word "Ruhe" 
appeared in the Arbeiter- 
Zeitung, and all the armed 
men proceeded to place 
themselves in readiness for the conflict. They also devoted themselves 
energetically to cultivating revengeful sentiments. While making their prep- 
arations for the projected riot, they communicated the plan decided upon 
to every member of the order, and all were urged to come fully armed with 
such weapons as they might possess. 

But their greatest reliance was placed in the use of dynamite. This 
highly explosive material was regarded as the chief arm of their cause. 
For many weeks, the leaders had experimented with it. Some six week? 

i 3 6 


before the disastrous Haymarket riot, Louis Lingg had brought a bomb to 
the house of William Seliger, No. 442 Sedgwick Street, where he boarded, 
and announced his intention of making other bombs like it. Before this 
he had provided himself with dynamite, the money for its purchase having 
been realized at a ball given some time previously and turned over to him 
to use in experiments. Being out of employment at the time, he devoted 
himself energetically to experiments with that material, and produced 
large gas-pipe bombs. One of these he took out to a grove north of the 

city, and, placing 
it in the crotch of 
a tree, exploded 
it, splitting the 
tree to pieces. The 
result of the test 
appears to have 
been satisfactory, 
and he next gave 
manufacture of 
globular shells. In 
the casting of 
these he used the 
kitchen stove to 
melt his metal, 
and often receiv- 
ed the assistance 
of Seliger, Thielen 
and Hermann. All 
day Tuesday, May 
4, he worked most 
persistently and 
seemed in a great 
hurry to make as 

many bombs as possible. He was helped on that day by the parties named 
and two others, Hueber and Munzenberger. Before the close of the day 
they had finished over a hundred bombs. While they were at work Lehman 
visited them and carried home a satchel of dynamite, which he subse- 
quently, after the Haymarket riot, buried out on the prairie, and which 
was afterwards disinterred by the police. Not alone did he and his friends 
experiment with dynamite, but it appears that Spies, Parsons, Fischer, 
Fielden and Schwab also tried their hands at it and handled the deadly 
stuff at the office of the Arbeiter-Zeitung. They had several bombs there 
and made no secret of the purpose for which they intended them. The office 
was afterwards discovered to be an arsenal of revolvers and dynamite. 



After the bombs had been completed by Lingg and his assistants, Lingg 
and Seliger put them in a trunk or satchel and carried them over towards 
Neff's Hall, at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue. On the way they were met by 
Munzenberger, who took the trunk, and, placing it on his shoulder, carried it 
the rest of the distance. At this time it being evening there was a meet- 
ing of painters in a hall at the rear of Neff's saloon, and the package was 
placed at the entrance for a moment's exhibition. Lingg asked the pro- 
prietor if any one had called and inquired for him, and, on being answered 
in the negative, proceeded with Seliger and Munzenberger into the hall- 
way connecting the saloon and the assembly-room. Placing the trunk on 
the floor, he opened it for inspection. Several parties examined the 
bombs and took some of them away. Seliger helped himself to two and 
kept them until after the Haymarket explosion, when he hid them under a 
sidewalk on Sigel Street. Lingg, Seliger and Munzenberger then left the 
premises. The direction the last-named took is a matter in doubt. Neff 
had never seen him before,- Lehman did not know him, and Seliger had not 
even learned his name. 

It is clear that all this work was part of the conspiracy concocted at 
Greif's Hall the previous evening. It is also well settled that Munzen- 
berger was the chosen agent to secure the bombs and see that they were 
placed in the hands of trusted Anarchists for use at the proper moment. 
The secrecy surrounding the latter's identity was in complete accord with 
the method of procedure outlined in the instructions given to Socialists : 

In the commission of a deed, a comrade who does not live at the place of action, that is, 
a comrade of some other place, ought, if possibility admits, to participate in the action, or, 
formulated difficulty, a revolutionary deed ought to be enacted where one is not known. 

Still further steps were taken to precipitate the revolution. In con- 
formity with the Monday night plan, armed men were to be stationed, on 
the evening of Tuesday, in the vicinity of the police stations. We find 
that Lingg, Seliger, Lehman, Smidke, Thielen and two large unknown men 
were in the vicinity of the North Avenue Station. They skulked about the 
corners of the streets leading to that station, between eight and ten o'clock, 
fully armed with bombs and ready for desperate deeds. Others, who had 
secured bombs at Neff's Hall, went further northward and hovered around 
the police station near the corner of Webster and Lincoln Avenues. 
Seliger and Lingg also paid that vicinity a visit. There were also armed 
men at Deering, where a meeting of striking workingmen was held, and 
which was addressed by Schwab after he had left the Haymarket. Anar- 
chists also posted themselves in the vicinity of the Chicago Avenue Station. 
Men were also near the North Avenue Station, and some twenty-five posted 
themselves at the corner of Halsted and Randolph Streets, two blocks 
from the Desplaines Street Station. Spies and Schwab entered this group 


and held some secret consultation with the leaders. Fischer and Waller 
were also close to that station. 

It furthermore appears that several men called on Tuesday evening at 
Waller's residence while he was eating his supper and desired him to 
accompany them to Wicker Park, saying that they "wanted to be at their 
post." Two of these men were Krueger and Kraemer, belonging to the 
"armed sections." Some men also called at Engel's store, and one of them 
exhibited a revolver. Another, a stranger, explained to a comrade that he 
was waiting for some " pills." He waited only five minutes, when a young 
girl about ten or twelve years of age came in, carrying a mysterious package. 
This she handed to the stranger, who stepped behind a screen and then 
hastened out. 

It is thus manifest that the various parties were bent on a carnival of 
riot and destruction and only awaited the proper signal from the commit- 
tee. The men intrusted with the secrets of pillage, murder and general 
destruction belonged to what was known in the order as the " Revolution- 
ary Group." The plan was not communicated to any one else. The utmost 
secrecy had to be maintained for its successful accomplishment, and the 
conspiracy was only communicated to such as had proved themselves in 
the past, by word and deed, in full accord with revolutionary methods. 
The "revolutionary party " consisted of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, com- 
manded by Breitenfeld ; the Northwest Side group, under command of 
Engel, Fischer and Grumm ; the North Side group, commanded by Neebe, 
Lingg and Hermann ; the American group, commanded by Spies, Parsons 
and Fielden ; the Karl Marx group, directed by Schilling ; the Freiheit 
group and the armed sections of the International Carpenters' Union and 
Metal-workers' Union. These various sections, or groups, were under the 
management of a general committee which included among its leading 
spirits Spies, Schwab, Parsons, Neebe, Rau, Hirschberger, Deusch and Belz. 
This committee met at stated periods at the office of the Arbeiter-Zeitung 
and formulated orders for the guidance of the groups. Its expenses were 
met by monthly contributions from all the Socialistic societies. It was 
under the inspiration of this committee that the Monday night meeting 
was held. Why the signal for a concerted raid on the police stations, the 
burning of buildings and the slaughter of capitalists was not given on the 
fateful night of the Haymarket riot, or, if given, as seems to be believed in 
many quarters, in Fielden's declaration, "We are peaceable," why it was 
not carried out completely, is not explicable upon any other hypothesis 
than that the courage of the trusted leaders failed them at the critical 


The Air Full of Rumors A Riot 'Feared Police Preparations Bon- 
field in Command The Haymarket Strategic. Value of the Anarchists' Position 
Crane's Alley The Theory of Street Warfare Inflaming the Mob Schnaubelt and. 
his Bomb "Throttle the Law" The Limit of Patience Reached "In the Name of 
the People, Disperse" The Signal Given The Crash of Dynamite First Heard on 
an American Street Murder in the Air A Rally and a Charge The Anarchists 
Swept Away A Battle Worthy of Veterans. 

WITH such active work among the conspirators as I have shown, it 
was only a question of time when some terrible catastrophe would 
ensue through the instrumentality of the powerful bombs they had manu- 
factured. The public mind was in a state of fear and suspense, not: 
knowing the direction whence threatened devastation and destruction might 
appear. The incendiary speeches were enough to excite trepidation, and 
the appearance of the "Revenge circular" fanned the excitement into- 
general alarm and indignation. The McCormick attack proved conclusively 
that the Anarchists meant to practice what they preached. After their 
rout and defeat, they were heard to express regret that they had not 
taken forcible possession of the works before the arrival of the police and 
then received the officers with a volley of fire-arms, as had once been con- 
templated in a star-chamber session of one of their ' revolutionary groups." 
The air was full of rumors, and the general public was convinced that some: 
great disaster would occur unless the police promptly forbade the holding 
of further revolutionary meetings. The Mayor's attention had been called 
to the possible results if such meetings were permitted to continue, and. 
he, in turn, directed the Police Department to keep close watch of the 
gathering called for the Haymarket Square and disperse it in case the 
speakers used inflammatory language. During the day many of the Spies, 
circulars had been distributed in the vicinity of the McCormick establish- 
ment, and it was expected that many of the enraged strikers from that 
locality would attend the meeting. It was clear that, in view of the temper 
of the Socialists, only slight encouragement would be required to produce 
a disturbance, and it was of the utmost importance that prompt action 
should be taken at the first sign of trouble. It subsequently transpired 
that the leaders had intended to make the speeches threatening in order to- 
invite a charge upon the crowd by the police, and then, during the con- 
fusion, to carry out the Monday night programme. 

The city authorities fully comprehended the situation, but concluded 
not to interfere with the meeting unless the discussion should be attended 
with violent threats. In order to be prepared for any emergency, however,, 
it was deemed best to concentrate a large force in the vicinity of the meet- 



ing at the Desplaines Street Station. One hundred men from Capt, 
Ward's district, the Third Precinct, under command of Lieuts. Bowler, 
Stanton, Penzen and Beard, twenty-six men from the Central Detail under 
command of Lieut. Hubbard and Sergt. Fitzpatrick, and fifty men from 
the Fourth Precinct, under Lieuts. Steele and Quinn, were accordingly 
assigned for special service that evening. Inspector John Bonfield was, 
ordered to assume command of the whole force, and his instructions were 
to direct the detectives to mingle with the crowd, and, if anything of an 
incendiary nature was advised by the speakers, to direct the officers to dis- 
perse the gathering. 

The meeting had been called for 7:30 o'clock, and at that hour quite a 
number had assembled in the vicinity of Haymarket Square. This square: 
is simply a widening of Randolph Street between Desplaines and Halsted. 
Streets; and in years past was used by farmers for the sale of hay and 
produce. It was for this place that the call had been issued, but for certain 
reasons the meeting was held ninety feet north of Randolph, on Desplaines 
Street, near the intersection of an alley which has since passed into public 
fame as "Crane's alley." In sight almost of this alley was Zepf's Hall, on 
the northeast corner of Lake and Desplaines Streets, and about two blocks, 
further east on Lake Street were Florus' Hall and Greif's Hall all notor- 
ious resorts and headquarters for Anarchists. On the evening in question 
these places and surrounding streets leading to the meeting-place were 
crowded with strikers and Socialist sympathizers, some within the saloons, 
regaling themselves with beer and some jostling each other on the thorough- 
fares, either going for liquids or returning to the meeting after having for the 
moment satisfied the "inner man." Here was a condition of things that 
would permit an easy mingling in. and ready escape through, the crowd, in 
the event of inauguration of the revolutionary plan adopted the evening 
previous. The throngs would serve as a cover for apparently safe opera- 
tions. Another advantage gained by holding the meeting at the point 
indicated was that the street was dimly lighted, and, as the building in front 
of which the speaking took place was a manufacturing establishment, 
that of Crane Bros., not used or lighted at night, and as the alley con- 
tiguous to the speaker's stand formed an L with another alley leading to- 
Randolph Street, there were points of seeming safety for a conflict with the 
police. Besides, the point was about 350 feet north of the Desplaines 
Street Police Station, and it was evidently calculated that when the police 
should attack the crowd, that part of the Monday night programme about 
blowing up the stations could easily be carried into effect. 

These were the undoubted reasons for effecting the change. The reader 
will remember that one of the objections urged by Fischer against holding 
the meeting on Market Square was that it was a "mouse trap," and one of 
his potential arguments for the Haymarket was that it was a safer place 


for the execution of their plot. There was thus a " method in their mad- 
ness." All the contingencies had evidently been very carefully considered. 

But, as I have already stated, the hour had arrived for calling the 
meeting to order, and as there appeared no one to assume prompt charge, 
the crowd exhibited some manifestations of impatience. About eight 
o'clock there were perhaps 3,000 people in the vicinity of the chosen place, 
and some fifteen or twenty minutes later Spies put in an appearance. He 
mounted the truck wagon improvised as a speaker's stand and inquired for 
Parsons. Receiving no response, he got down, and, meeting Schwab, the 
two entered the alley, where there was quite a crowd, and where they were 
overheard using the words "pis- 
tols" and '-'police," and Schwab 
was heard to ask, " Is one enough 
or had we better go and get 
more?" Both then disappeared 
up the street, and it is a fair 
presumption borne out by the 
fact that they had entered a 
group of Anarchists on the cor- 
ner of Halsted and Randolph 
Streets, as noted in the preced- 
ing chapter, and other circum- 
stances that they went to se- 
cure bombs. Spies shortly re- 
turned, and, meeting Schnaubelt, 
held a short conversation with 
him, at the same time handing 
him something, which Schnau- 
belt put carefully in a side- 
pocket. Spies again mounted 
the wagon (the hour being about INSPECTOR JOHN BONFIELD. 

8:40 Schnaubelt standing near him), and began a speech in English. It 
is needless, at this point, to reproduce the speech, as its substance appears 
later on, both as given by the reporters and as written out subsequently 
by Spies. But both reports fail to give a proper conception of its insidi- 
ous effect on the audience. It bore mainly on the grievances of labor, 
the treatment of the strikers by McCormick, and an explanation of his 
(Spies') connection with the disturbances of the day previous. The lesson 
he drew from the occurrence at McCormick's was "that workingmen must 
arm themselves for defense, so that they may be able to cope with the 
Government hirelings of their masters." 

Parsons had meanwhile been sent for, and on the conclusion of Spies' 
harangue was introduced. He reviewed the labor discontent in the coun 


try, the troubles growing out of it, touched on monopoly, criticised the so- 
called "capitalistic press," scored the banks, explained Socialism, ex- 
coriated the system of elections, and terminated his remarks by appealing 
to his hearers to defend themselves and asserting that, if the demands of 
the working classes were refused, it meant war. His speech, like that of 
Spies, was mild as compared with what would be expected on such an 
occasion. Perhaps this is accounted for by the fact that during their 
harangues Mayor Harrison mingled in the throng and paid close attention 
to the sentiments of the speakers. He afterwards characterized Parsons' 
effort as "a good political speech," and, being apparently satisfied that 
there would be no trouble, left for the Desplaines Street Police Station, 
giving his impressions of the gathering to the Captain in charge and telling 
Bonfield that there seemed to be no further use for holding the force in 

No sooner had Harrison left for the station and thence for his own 
house, than the next speaker, Fielden, grew bolder in his remarks and sent 
the words rolling hot and fast over an oily, voluble and vindictive tongue. 
He opened with a reference to the insecurity of the working classes under 
the present social system, drifted to the McCormick strike, in which men, 
he said, were " shot down by the law in cold blood, in the city of Chicago, 
in the protection of property," and held that the strikers had " nothing 
more to do with the law except to lay hands on it, and throttle it until it 
makes its last kick. Throttle it ! Kill it ! Stab it ! Can we do any- 
thing," he asked, "except by the strong arm of resistance? The skirmish 

lines have met. The people have 
been shot. Men, women and chil- 
dren have not been spared by the cap- 
italists and the minions of private 
capital. It had no mercy neither 
ought you. You are called upon to 
defend yourselves, your lives, your 
future. I have some resistance in 
me. I know that you have, too." 

At this juncture the police made 
their appearance. During the re- 
marks of Spies and Parsons, detect- 
ives had frequently reported to the 
station that only moderate, temperate 
sentiments were being uttered, but 
after Fielden had got fairly worked 
up to his subject, this was changed. 
The crowd was being wrought up to 
a high point of excitement, and there 



were frequent interjections of approval and shouts of indignation. Fielden's 
was. just such a speech as they had expected to hear. Very little was 
required to incite them to the perpetration of desperate deeds. Like a 
sculptor with his plastic model, Fielden had molded his audience to suit 
the purpose of the occasion. With his rough and ready eloquence he 
stirred up their innermost pas- 
sions. His biting allusions to 
capitalists caught the hearts of 
the uncouth mob as with grap- 
pling-hooks, and his appeals for 
the destruction of existing laws 
shook them as a whirlwind. 

It would be as well, he said, 
for workmen to die fighting as 
to starve to death. "Exter- 
minate the capitalists, and do it 
to-night ! " The officers detailed 
to watch the proceedings saw 
that the speech portended no 
good, and they communicated 
the facts to Inspector Bonfield. 
Even then the Inspector hesi- 
tated. To use his own language, 
in the report he sent to Super- 
intendent Ebersold : "Wanting 
to be clearly within the law, and 
wishing to leave no room for doubt as to the propriety of our actions, I did 
not act on the first reports, but sent the officers back to make further obser- 
vations. A few minutes after ten o'clock, the officers returned and reported 
that the crowd were getting excited and the speaker growing more incen- 
diary in his language. I then felt that to hesitate any longer would be 
criminal, and gave the order to fall in and move our force forward on Waldo 
Place," a short street south of the Desplaines Street Station. 

The force formed into four divisions. The companies of Lieuts. Steele 
and Quinn formed the first ; those of Lieuts. Stanton and Bowler, the sec- 
ond ; those of Lieut. Hubbard and Sergt. Fitzpatrick, the third ; and two 
companies commanded by Lieuts. Beard and Penzen constituted the 
fourth, forming the rear guard, which had orders to form right and left on 
Randolph Street, to guard the rear from any attack from the Haymar- 
ket. These various divisions thus covered the street from curb to curb. 
Inspector Bonfield and Capt. Ward led the forces, in front of the first divis- 
ion. On seeing them advancing in the distance, Fielden exclaimed : 

"Here come the bloodhounds. You do your duty, and I'll do mine ! " 




Arriving on the ground, they found the agitator right in the midst of his 
incendiary exhortations, that point where he was telling his Anarchist zeal- 
ots that he had some resistance in him, and assuring them that he knew 
they had too. At that moment the police were ordered to halt within a 
few feet of the truck wagon, and Capt. Ward, advancing to within three feet 
of the speaker, said : 

" I command you, in the name of the people of the State, to immediately 
and peaceably disperse." 

Turning to the crowd, he continued : " I command you and you to 

Fielden had meanwhile jumped off the wagon, and, as he reached the 
sidewalk, declared in a clear, loud tone of voice : 
"We are peaceable." 

This must have been the secret signal, it has about it suggestions of 
the word " Ruhe," and no sooner had it been uttered than a spark flashed 
through the air. It looked like the lighted remnant of a cigar, but hissed 
like a miniature skyrocket. It fell in the ranks of the second division and 
near the dividing-line between the companies of Lieuts. Stanton and Bow- 
ler, just south of where the speaking had taken place. 

A terrific explosion followed the detonation was heard for blocks 
around. The direction in which the bomb for such it was had been 
thrown was by way of the east sidewalk from the alley. It had been hurled 
by a person in the shadow of that narrow yet crowded passageway on the 
same side of, and only a few feet from, the speaker's stand. 

The explosion created frightful havoc and terrible dismay. It was 
instantly followed by a volley of small fire-arms from the mob on the side- 
walk and in the street in front of the 
police force, all directed against the offi- 
cers. They were for the moment stunned 
and terror-stricken. In the immediate 
vicinity of the explosion, the entire col- 
.umn under Stanton and Bowler and 
many of the first and third divisions were 
hurled to the ground, some killed, and 
many in the agonies of death. 

As soon as the first flash of the tragic 
shock had passed, and even on the in- 
stant the mob began firing, Inspector 
Bonfield rallied the policemen who re- 
mained unscathed, and ordered a run- 
ning fire of revolvers on the desperate 
Anarchists. Lieuts. Steele and Quinn 
SERGT. (NOW CAPT.) j. E. FiTZPATRicK. charged the crowd on the street from 




curb to curb, and Lieuts. Hubbard and Fitzpatrick, with such men as 
were left them of the Special Detail, swept both sidewalks with a brisk 
and rattling fire. 

The rush of the officers was like that of a mighty torrent in a narrow 
channel they carried everything before 
them and swept down all hapless enough 
to fall under their fire or batons. The 
masterly courage and brilliant dash of 
the men soon sent the Anarchists flying 
in every direction, and a more desperate 
scramble for life and safety was never 
witnessed. Even the most defiant con- 
spirators lost their wits and hunted nooks 
and recesses of buildings to seclude them- 
selves till they could effect an escape 
without imminent danger of bullets or of 
being crushed by the precipitate mob. 

Fielden, so brave and fearless on the 
appearance of the police, pulled a revol- 
ver while crouching beneath the pro- 
tection of the truck wheels, fired at the 
officers, and then took to his heels and disappeared. Spies had friendly 
assistance in getting off the truck, and hastened pell-mell through the 
crowd in a frantic endeavor to get under cover. He finally reached safety, 
while his brother, who was with him on the wagon, got away with a slight 
Avound. Parsons seems to have taken time by the forelock and nervously 

awaited developments in the bar-room of 
Zepf's Hall. Fischer had been among the 
crowd while Spies and Parsons spoke, but 
he was in the company of Parsons at Zepf's 
when the explosion occurred. Schnaubelt, 
who had sat on the wagon with his hands 
in his pockets until Fielden began his 
speech, hurried through the mob, after 
sending the missile on its deadly mission, 
and got away without a scratch. Other 
lesser yet influential lights in the Anarchist 
combination found friendly refuge, and, as 
subsequently developed, lost no time in 
reaching home as soon as possible. How 
any of these leaders who were in the midst 
of the awful carnage managed to escape, 
while other of their comrades suffered, is 



not clear, unless they dodged from one secluded spot to another, while the 
storm raged at its height and there are many circumstances showing that 
this was the case. At any rate the point is immaterial : the fact remains 
that they were all found lacking in courage at the critical moment, and 
each seemed more concerned about his own safety than that of his fellow 

Owing to the masterly charge of the police, the conflict was of short 
duration, but, while it lasted, it produced a scene of confusion, death and 
bloodshed not equaled in the annals of American riots in its extent and far- 
reaching results. The hissing of bullets, the groans of the dying, the cries 
of the wounded and the imprecations of the fleeing made a combination 
of horrors which those present will never forget. 

No sooner had the field been cleared of the mob than Inspector Bon- 
field set to work caring for the dead and wounded. They were found scat- 
tered in every direction. Many of 'the officers lay prostrate where they 
had fallen, and to the north, where the mob had disputed the ground with 
the police, lay many an Anarchist. On door-steps and in th^e recesses of 
buildings were found wounded and maimed. The police looked after all 
and rendered assistance alike to friend and foe. The dead, dying and 
wounded were conveyed to the Desplaines Street Station, where numerous 
physicians were called into service. 

In subsequently speaking of the bravery of his men on this occasion, in 
his report to the Chief of Police, Inspector Bonfield very truly said : 

It has been asserted that regular troops have become panic-stricken from less cause. I 
see no way to account for it except this. The soldier acts as part of a machine. Rarely, if 
ever, when on duty, is he allowed to act as an individual or to use his personal judgment. A 
police officer's training teaches him to be self-reliant. . Day after day and night after night 
he goes on duty alone, and, when in conflict with the thief and burglar, he has to depend 
upon his own individual exertions. The soldier being a part of a machine, it follows that, 
when a part of it gives out, the rest is useless until the injury is repaired. The policeman, 
being a machine in himself, rarely, if ever, gives up until he is laid on the ground and unable 
to rise again. In conclusion, I beg leave to report that the conduct of the men and officers, 
with few exceptions, was admirable as a- military man said to me the next day, "worthy 
the heroes of a hundred battles." 


The Dead and the Wounded Moans of Anguish in the Police Station 
Caring for Friend and Foe Counting the Cost A City's Sympathy The Death 
List Sketches of the Men The Doctors' Work Dynamite Havoc Veterans of 
the Haymarket A Roll of Honor The Anarchist Loss Guesses at their Dead 
Concealing Wounded Rioters The Explosion a Failure Disappointment of the 

THE scene at the Desplaines Street Station was one which would appal 
the stoutest heart. Every available place in the building was utilized, 
and one could scarcely move about the various rooms without fear of acci- 
dentally touching a wound or jarring a fractured limb. In many instances 
mangled Anarchists were placed side by side with injured officers. The 
floors literally ran with blood dripping and flowing from the lacerated bodies 
of the victims of the riot. The air was filled with moans from the dying 
and groans of anguish from the wounded. As the news had spread through- 
out the city of the terrible slaughter, wives, daughters, relatives and friends 
of officers as well as of Anarchists, who had failed to report at home or to 
send tidings of their whereabouts, hastened to the station and sought 
admission. Being refused, these set up wailing and lamentations about the 
doors of the station, and the doleful sounds made the situation all the more 
sorrowful within. 

Everything in the power of man was done to alleviate the suffering and to 
make the patients as comfortable as possible. Drs. Murphy, Lee and Hen- 
rotin, department physicians, were energetically at work, and, with every 
appliance possible, administered comparative relief and ease from the 
excruciating pains of the suffering. The more seriously wounded, when 
possible, were taken to the Cook County Hospital. Throughout the night 
following the riot, the early morning and the day succeeding, the utmost 
care was given the patients, and throughout the city for days and weeks 
the one inquiry, the one great sympathy, was with reference to the wounded 
officers and their condition. The whole heart of the city was centered in 
their recovery. Everywhere the living 'as well as the dead heroes were 
accorded the highest praise. The culprits who had sought to subvert law 
and order in murder and pillage were execrated on all hands. For days 
and weeks, the city never for a moment relaxed its interest. From the time 
the men had been brought into the station, it was long a question as to how 
many would succumb to their wounds. Care and attention without 
ceasing served to rescue many from an untimely grave ; but even those 
who were finally restored to their families and friends, crippled and maimed 
as they were, hovered between life and death on a very slender thread 
through many a restless night and weary day and through long weeks and 


agonizing months. The devotion of friends and the skill of physicians 
nerved the men to strength and patience. That only eight should have 
died out of so great a number as were mangled, lacerated and shattered by 
the powerful bomb and pierced by bullets, attests the merits of the treat- 

The only one who was almost instantly killed was Officer Mathias J. 
Degan. The following list will serve to show the names of the officers 
killed and wounded, the stations they belonged to, their residences, the 
nature of their wounds, their condition and other circumstances : 

MATHIAS J. BEGAN Third Precinct, West Lake Street Station ; residence, No. 626 
South Canal Street. Almost instantly killed. He was born October 29, 1851, and joined the 
police force December 15, 1884. He was a widower, having lost his wife just before joining 
the force, and left a young son. He was a brave officer, efficient in all his duties, and highly 

MICHAEL SHEEHAN Third Precinct; residence, No. 163 Barber Street. Wounded in 
the back just below the ninth rib. The bullet lay in the abdomen, and, after its removal by 
the surgeon, he collapsed and died on the gth of May. He was twenty-nine years of age, 
born in Ireland, and came to America in 1879. He joined the force December 15, 1884, and 
had only one relative in America, a brother, his parents still living in the old country. He 
was a very bright, prompt and efficient officer, and had excellent prospects before him. He 
was unmarried. 

GEORGE MULLER Third Precinct; residence, No. 836 West Madison Street; was shot in 
the left side, the bullet passing down through the body and lodging on the right side above 
the hip bone. He suffered more than any of the others and was in terrible agony. He 
would not consent to an operation, and finally his right lung collapsed, making his breathing 
very difficult. He expired on the 6th of May. He was twenty-eight years of age. Born in 
Oswego, N. Y., where his parents lived, and to which place his remains were sent. Muller, 
on coming to Chicago, began as a teamster, and became connected with the Police Depart- 
ment December 15, 1884, being assigned for duty at the Desplaines Street Station. He was 
a finely built, muscular young man, and became quite a favorite with his associates because 
of his quiet habits and genial manners. At the' time of his death he was engaged to Miss 
Mary McAvoy. 

JOHN J. BARRETT Third Precinct; residence, No. 99 East Erie Street; was shot in the 
liver, from which a piece of shell was removed, and he had a bad fracture of the elbow. 
The heel bone of one leg was carried away. With so many serious wounds, he lay in the 
hospital almost unconscious until the day of his death, May 6. He was born in Waukegan, 
111., in 1860, and came to Chicago with his parents when only four years of age. Here he 
attended the public schools, and then learned the molder's trade, which he abandoned on 
January 15, 1885, to join the police force, being assigned to duty at the Desplaines Street 
Station. He was a brave and efficient officer and always ready to do his part in any emer- 
gency. He had been married only a few months preceding his death, and left a wife, a 
widowed mother, three sisters and a younger brother. 

THOMAS REDDEN Third Precinct ; residence, No. 109 Walnut Street ; received a bad 
fracture of the left leg three inches below the knee, from which a large portion of the bone was 
entirely carried away. He also had bullet wounds in the left cheek and right elbow, and 
some wounds in the back. Pieces of shell were found in the leg and elbow. He died May 
16. He was fifty years of age, and had been connected with the police force for twelve 
years, joining it on April i, 1874. He was attached to the West Lake Street Station, and was 
looked upon as an exemplary and trusted officer. He left a wife and two young children. 


TIMOTHY FLAVIN Fourth Precinct; residence, No. 504 North Ashland Avenue; was 
struck with a piece of shell four inches above the ankle joint, tearing away a portion of the 
large bone and fracturing the small bone. He also had two wounds just below the shoulder 
joint in the right arm, caused by a shell, and there were two shell wounds in the back, one 
passing into the abdomen and the other into the lung. His leg was amputated above the 
knee, the second day after the explosion, and he had besides a large piece torn out of his 
right hip. He died on May 8. He was born in Listowel, Ireland, and came to America in 
1880 with a young wife, whom he had married on the day of his departure. He had worked 
as a teamster, and joined the police force on December 15, 1884, being assigned to duty at 
the Rawson Street Station. He left a wife and three small children. 

NELS HANSEN Fourth Precinct ; residence, No. 28 Fowler Street ; received shell wounds 
in body, arms and legs, and one of his limbs had to be amputated. He lost considerable 

From a Photograph. 

blood, but lingered along in intense agony until May 14, when he died. He was a native of 
Sweden, having came to Chicago a great number of years ago, joining the force December 
15, 1884, and was about fifty years of age. He left a wife and two children. 

TIMOTHY SULLIVAN, of the Third Precinct, was the last to die from the effects of the 
Haymarket riot ; this brave officer lingered until June 13, 1888. He resided at No. 123 
Hickory Street, and was a widower, four children mourning his loss. The illness from 
which he died was the direct result of a bullet wound just above the left knee. 

The following is a list of the wounded officers belonging to the Third 
Precinct : 

August C. Keller ; residence, No. 36 Greenwich Street ; shell wound in right side and ball 
wound in left side ; wife and five children. 

Thomas McHenry ; residence, 376 W. Polk Street ; shell wound in left knee and three shell 
wounds in left hip ; single ; had a sister and blind mother to support. 


John E. Doyle, 142^ W. Jackson Street ; bullet wounds in back and calf of each leg ; 
serious; wife and one child. 

John A. King, 1411 Wabash Avenue; jawbone fractured by shell and two bullet wounds 
in right leg below the knee ; serious ; single. 

Nicholas Shannon, Jr., No. 24 Miller Street; thirteen shell wounds on right side and five 
shell wounds on left side ; serious ; wife and three children. 

James Conway, No. 185 Morgan Street ; bullet wound in right leg ; single. 

Patrick Hartford, No. 228 Noble Street ; shell wound in right ankle, two toes on left foot 
amputated, bullet wound in left side ; wife and four children. 

Patrick Nash, Desplaines Street Station ; bruises on left shoulder, inflicted by a stick ; 

Arthur Connolly, No. 318 West Huron Street ; two shell wounds in left leg ; bone slightly 
fractured ; wife. , 

Louis Johnson, No. 40 West Erie Street; shell wound in left leg; wife and four children. 

M. M. Cardin, No. 18 North Peoria Street; bullet wound in calf of each leg; wife and 
two children. 

Adam Barber, No. 321 West Jackson Street; shell wound left leg, bullet wound in right 
breast ; bullet not extracted ; wife and one child. 

Henry F. Smith, bullet wound in right shoulder ; quite serious , wife and two children in 

Frank Tyrell, No. 228 Lincoln Street ; bullet in right hip near spine ; wife and two chil- 
dren ; wife sick in County Hospital at the time of the riot. 

James A. Brady, No. 146 West Van Buren Street; shell wound in left leg, slight injury to 
toes of left foot and shell wound in left thigh ; single. 

John Reed, No. 237 South Halsted Street ; shell wound in left leg and bullet wound in 
right knee ; bullet not removed ; single. 

Patrick McLaughlin, No. 965 Thirty-seventh Court; bruised on right side, leg and hip, 
injuries slight ; wife and two children. 

Frank Murphy, No. 980 Walnut Street ; trampled on, three ribs broken ; wife and three 

Lawrence Murphy, No. 317^ Fulton Street; shell wounds on left side of neck and left 
knee, part of left foot amputated ; wife. 

Michael Madden, No. 119 South Green Street ; shot in left lung on May 5th, after which 
he shot and killed his Anarchist assailant ; wife and seven children. 

The following belonged to the West Lake Street Station of the Third 
Precinct : 

Lieut. James P. Stanton, residence No. 584 Carroll Avenue ; shell wound in right side, 
bullet wound in right hip, bullet wound in~calf of leg ; wife and three children. 

Thomas Brophy, No. 25 Nixon Street ; slight injury to left leg ; reported for duty ; wife. 

Bernard Murphy, No 325 East Twenty-second Street ; bullet wound in left thigh, shell 
wound on right side of head and chin ; not dangerous ; wife. 

Charles H. Fink, No. 154 South Sangamon Street ; three shell wounds in laf. leg and two- 
wounds in right leg ; not dangerous ; wife. 

Joseph Norman, No. 612 Walnut Street ; bullet passed through right foot and slight 
injury to finger on left hand ; wife and two children. 

Peter Butterly, No. 436 West Twelfth Street ; bullet wound in right arm and small wound 
on each leg near knee ; wife and one child. 

Alexander Jamison, No. 129 Gurley Street ; bullet wound in left leg ; serious ; wife and 
seven children. 

Michael Horan, bullet wound in left thigh, not removed ; slight shell wound on left arm ; 


Thomas Hennessy, No. 287 Fulton Street ; shell wound on left thigh, slight ; has mother, 
who is crippled, and two sisters to support. 

William Burns, No. 602 West Van Buren Street ; slight shell wound on left ankle ; single. 

James Plunkett, No. 15^ Depuyster Street ; struck with club aud trampled upon ; wife. 

Charles W. Whitney, No. 453 South Robey Street ; shell wound in left breast ; shell not 
removed ; single. 

Jacob Hansen, No. 137 North Morgan Street ; right leg amputated over the knee, three 
shell wounds in left leg ; wife and one child. 

Martin Cullen, No. 236 Washtenaw Avenue ; right collar bone fractured and slight injury 
to left knee ; wife and five children. 

Simon Klidzis, No. 158 Carroll Street ; shot in calf of left leg ; serious ; wife and three 

Julius L. Simonson, No. 241 West Huron Street ; shot in arm near shoulder ; very serious ; 
wife and two children. 

John K. McMahon, No. 118 North Green Street ; shell wound in calf of left leg, shell not 
found ; ball wound left leg near knee, very serious ; wife and two children. 

Simon McMahon, No. 913 North Ashland Avenue ; shot in right arm and two wounds in 
right leg ; wife and five children. 

Edward W. Ruel, No. 136 North Peoria Street ; shot in right ankle, bullet not removed ; 
serious ; single. 

Alexander Halvorson, No. 850 North Oakley Avenue ; shot in both legs, ball not extracted ; 

Carl E. Johnson, No. 339 West Erie Street ; shot in left elbow ; wife and two children. 

Peter McCormick, No. 473 West Erie Street ; slight shot wound in left arm ; wife. 

Christopher Gaynor, No. 45 Fay Street ; slight bruise on left arm ; wi-fe. 

The following belonged to the Fourth Precinct : 

S. J. Werneke, No. 73 West Division Street; shot in left side of head, ball not found; 
serious ; wife and two children. 

Patrick McNulty, No. 691 North Leavitt Street ; shot in right leg and both hips ; danger- 
ous ; wife and three children. 

Samuel Hilgo, No. 452 Milwaukee Avenue ; shot in right leg ; not serious ; single 

Herman Krueger, No. 184 Ramsey Street ; shot in right knee ; not serious ; wife and two 

Joseph A. Gilso, No. 8 Emma Street ; slightly injured in back and leg ; not serious ; wife 
and six children. 

Edward Barrell, No. 297 West Ohio Street ; shot in right leg ; quite serious ; wife and six 

Freeman Steele, No. 30 Rice Street ; slightly wounded in back ; not serious ; single. 

James P. Johnson, No. 740 Dixon Street ; right knee sprained ; not serious ; wife and three 

Benjamin F. Snell, No. 138 Mozart Street ; shot in right leg ; not serious ; single. 

The following belonged to the Central Detail : 

James H. Wilson, No. 810 Austin Avenue ; seriously injured in abdomen by shell ; wife 
and five children. 

Daniel Hogan, No. 526 Austin Avenue ; shot in calf of right leg and hand ; very serious ; 
wife and daughter. 

M. O'Brien, No. 495 Fifth Avenue ; shell wound in left thigh ; very serious ; wife and two 

Fred A: Andrew, No. 1018 North Halsted Street; wounded in leg, not serious; wife. 



Jacob Ebinger, No. 235 Thirty-seventh Street ; shell wound in back of left hand ; not 
serious ; wife and three children. 

John J. Kelley, No. 194 Sheffield Avenue; shell wound on left hand; not serious; wife 
and three children. 

Patrick Lavin, No. 42 Sholto Street ; finger hurt by shell ; married. 


i. John J. Barrett. 2. Michael Sheehan. 3. Timothy Flavin. 4. Timothy Sullivan. 
5. Thomas Redden. 6. Mathias J. Degan. 7. Nels Hansen- 8. George Muller. 

Officer Terrehll had a shell wound in the right thigh. 

Patrick Hartford had an opening in the ankle joint. The shell was removed. A portion 
of his left foot, with the toes, was carried away. 

Arthur Conelly had a compound fracture of the tibia. The shell struck him about two 
inches below the knee, tore away a piece of bone of the fibula, perforated the tibia and 


lodged about the middle of the large bone of the leg, a short distance below the knee A 
piece of shell was removed. 

Lawrence Murphy had fifteen shell wounds, one in the neck, three or four in the arms, 
and one in his left foot ; the last, weighing almost an ounce and a half, lodged at the base of 
the great toe and left his foot hanging by a piece of skin. The foot had to be amputated 
about two inches farther back. He had a piece two inches square taken out of the 
anterior surface of his leg. He had two perforating wounds in the left thigh and a num- 
ber in the right. 

Edward Barrett had two shell wounds in the neighborhood of the knee joint, turning out 
large pieces of flesh and leaving ragged wounds on the surface. 

J. H. King was struck in the chin by a piece of shell which went through his upper lip ; 
another piece carried away about an inch of his lower jaw-bone. 

J. H. Grady had severe flesh wounds, both in the thigh and legs. Some pieces of shell 
were taken out of them. 

John Doyle had several wounds about the legs, in the neighborhood of the knee joint. 

The list shows the character of the wounds and the condition of the 
officers just after the eventful night. Some of those who died lingered along 
for some time after, but the name of Timothy Sullivan was the last to add to 
the death-list. Some of the sixty-eight wounded men have since returned 
to active duty, but many are maimed for life and incapacitated for work. 

It is impossible to say how many of the Anarchists were killed or 
wounded. As soon as they were in a condition to be moved, those in the 
Desplaines Street Station were turned over to their relatives and friends. 
The Anarchists have never attempted to give a correct list, or even an 
approximate estimate, of the men wounded or killed on their side. The 
number, however, was largely in excess of that on the side of the police. 
After the moment's bewilderment, the officers dashed on the enemy and fired 
round after round. Being good marksmen, they fired to kill, and many 
revolutionists must have gone home, either assisted by comrades or unas- 
sisted, with wounds that resulted fatally or maimed them for life. Some of 
those in the station had dangerous wounds, and they were for the most part 
men who had become separated, in the confusion, from their companions, or 
trampled upon so that they could not get up and limp to a safe place. It is 
known that many secret funerals were held from Anarchist localities in the 
dead hour of night. For many months previous to the Haymarket explosion 
the Anarchists had descanted loudly on the destructive potency of dynamite. 
One bomb, they maintained, was equivalent to a regiment of militia. A 
little dynamite, properly put up, could be carried in a vest pocket and used 
to destroy a large body of police. They probably reasoned that if it was 
known that many more of their number had fallen than on the side of the 
police, it would not only tend to diminish the faith of their adherents in the 
real virtues of dynamite, but would prove that the police were more than 
able to cope with the Social Revolution, even though the revolutionists 
depended on that powerful agency. The public is not, therefore, likely ever 
to know how many of their number suffered. 


The Core of the Conspiracy Search of the Arbeiter-Zeitung Office The 
Captured Manuscript Jealousies in the Police Department The Case Threatened 
with Failure Stupidity at the Central Office Fischer Brought In Rotten Detective 
Work The Arrest of Spies His Egregious Vanity An Anarchist ' ' Ladies' Man" 
Wine Suppers with the Actresses Nina Van Zandt's Antecedents Her Romantic 
Connection with the Case Fashionable Toilets Did Spies Really Love Her ? His 
Curious Conduct The Proxy Marriage The End of the Romance The Other Con- 
spirators Mrs. Parsons' Origin The Bomb-Thrower in Custody The Assassin 
Kicked Out of the Chief's Office Schnaubelt and the Detectives Suspicious Con- 
duct at Headquarters Schnaubelt Ordered to Keep Away From the City Hall An 
Amazing Incident A Friendly Tip to a Murderer My Impressions of the Schnau- 
belt Episode Balthasar Rau and Mr. Furthmann Phantom Shackles in a Pullman 
Experiments with Dynamite An Explosive Dangerous to Friend and Foe Testing 
the Bombs Fielden and the Chief. 

IT was not difficult to locate the moral responsibility for the bold and bloody 
attack on law and authority. The seditious utterances of such men as 
Spies, Parsons, Fielden, Schwab and other leaders at public gatherings 
for weeks and months preceding the eight-hour strike, and the defiant dec- 
larations of such papers as the Arbeiter-Zeitung and the Alarm, clearly 
pointed to the sources from which came the inspiration for the crowning 
crime of Anarchy. It was likewise a strongly settled conviction that the 
thrower of the bomb was not simply a Guiteau-like crank, but that there 
must have been a deliberate, organized conspiracy, of which he was a duly 
constituted agent. In the work, therefore, of getting at the inside facts, 
the points sought were : What was the exact nature of that conspiracy, and 
who constituted the chief conspirators ? The possession of every detail in 
connection with these two points was absolutely necessary in order to fix 
the criminal responsibility, and to the solution of this problem the officers 
bent all their energies. 

The detectives were well aware that the office of the Arbeiter-Zeitung had 
been the headquarters for the "central, controlling body of the Anarchist 
organizations in Chicago, and on the morning following the explosion 
Inspector Bonfield determined to raid the establishment and bring in such 
of the leaders as might be found there. Several detectives were assigned 
to this duty, and they soon returned, having under arrest August Spies, his 
brother Chris, Michael Schwab and Adolph Fischer, These were locked 
up at the Central Station. Shortly thereafter fifteen or sixteen compositors 
of the paper were arrested and brought to the same place. They were a 
meek-looking set, and were visibly moved with fear. 

Immediately after 12 o'clock, State's Attorney Grinnell, Assistant State's 
Attorney Furthmann, Lieut. Joseph Kipley, Lieut. John D. Shea, Detect- 




ives James Bonfield, Slayton, Baer, Palmer, Thehorn and several other offi- 
cers repaired to the Arbeiter-Zeitung building and made a most thorough 
search of every room in the premises. A lot of manuscript was found on 
hooks attached to the printers' cases, and this was carefully wrapped up and 
taken away. The files of the Arbeiter-Zeitung and Alarm were also piled 
into a wagon and carted to the Central Station. 

Subsequent investigation by Mr. Furthmann of all the scraps of paper 
brought over by the police revealed Spies' manuscript with the signal word 
"Ruhe," the manuscript of the "Revenge Circular," issued on the afternoon 
of May 4, the manuscript for the "Y, come Monday night" notice, Spies' 
copy of the article headed 
" Blood," published in the Ar- 
beiter-Zeitung of May 4, and a 
number of other documents 
damaging in their character. 
This discovery was regar-ded 
as highly important, and in the 
trial it proved extremely serv- 
iceable to the State. It like- 
wise served, as will be shown, 
in furnishing a point by which, 
when I came to take up the case 
I was enabled to finally lay bare 
the whole conspiracy from its 
inception to its conclusion. 

With the clues obtained 
from the Arbeiter-Zeitung office, 
the officers were enabled to put 
some pointed questions to the 
prisoners, but they failed to ADOLPH FISCHER. 

properly utilize even the meager From a Photograph taken by the Police, 

information they had managed to extract. At this time the Police Depart- 
ment, from the Chief to the detective branch, was rent with rivalries, 
dissensions and jealousies, and it did not require much frowning or many 
innuendoes from the one to destroy in the other any special interest in 
pursuing a clue to its legitimate results. At the start all the officers were 
on a keen scent, and while outwardly all seemed working like Trojans in 
order to meet public expectations, which was keyed up to its highest pitch, 
not alone in Chicago but throughout the country, still the fear that one might 
get the credit for the work done by another operated to destroy discipline 
and deaden personal enthusiasm. Outside events alone prevented a com- 
plete failure in the prosecution. 

The arrested Anarchists, however, knew nothing of these dissensions. 

i 5 8 


All they knew was that public indignation was strong against them, and 
they realized that they were in a very embarrassing situation. 

FISCHER seemed to feel his position at the station more keenly than the 
others. On his arrest he was found to have in his possession a 44-caliber 
revolver, a file sharpened so as to make it serviceable as a dagger, and a 
detonation cap, and, as he was the foreman of the compositors in the office, 
his trepidation may have been caused by a suspicion that possibly the officers 
took him to be the leader of an armed gang among them. Before the raid 

THE FISCHER FAMILY. From a Photograph. 

on the office it appears that he had endeavored to hide these weapons, but 
he had been unable to unload himself, as the others in the office would not 
consent to concealment in their vicinity, lest discovery in the event of an 
investigation might criminate them in the conspiracy. Fischer was on his 
way down stairs to find a hiding-place for his weapons at the very moment 
when he was overtaken by the police and relieved of all further trouble. 
The dagger was a peculiar instrument, and it was the general opinion of 
those who examined it that it had been dipped in some deadly poison from 



which, through a slight scratch or through a deep plunge of the weapon, 
death would be speedy. 

Fischer always seemed thoroughly unscrupulous as to the means to be 
used to bring about the death of capitalists, and he never tired of uttering 
dire threats against the foes of Socialism. He was a tall, lithe and muscular- 
looking man, and, with a resolute purpose, he impressed his comrades as one 
who would not easily be balked. It is difficult to determine just how Fischer 
came to imbibe his bloodthirsty principles, as little is known of his ante- 
cedents. At the time of his arrest he was twenty-seven years old and married. 
He had been in the United States thirteen or fourteen years. He had 
learned the printer's trade in Nashville, Tenn., working for a brother who 
conducted there a German paper. Subsequently he acquired an interest in 
a German publication at Little Rock, Ark., and in 1881 he moved to St. 
Louis, where he worked at the case and where he became known for his 
extreme ideas on Socialism. He soon found his way to Chicago, where he 
felt satisfied he would find more congenial spirits in the work upon which he 
had set his heart. Here he became associated with Engel and Fehling in 
the publication of a German paper, the Anarchist, but as this did not live long, 
he became a compositor on the Arbeiter-Zeitung. Wherever he was, he 
always talked Anarchy and showed a most implacable hatred of existing 

When brought to the station, Fischer weakened perceptibly, but after- 
wards braced up and yielded no information except as to his whereabouts 
for several days prior to the Haymarket meeting. He had no love for the 
police, and he did everything in his power to trip us up in our subsequent 
investigations. From the moment of his arrest to the day of his execution 
he adopted a most secretive policy. 

SPIES also weakened at first when brought into the 
station, almost trembling with fear, but, after the first 
flush of excitement had passed, he took on an air of bra- 
vado, and exhibited a bold front in spite of the docu- 
mentary disclosures against him. He became glib of 
tongue, but stoutly denied any knowledge of a con- 
spiracy to precipitate a riot at the Haymarket. He was 
savagely denounced by Superintendent Ebersold, but 
he stood his ground and 
resolved to act the part of 
the innocent victim. His 
active ' participation in all 
large demonstrations, not- 
ably those at the McCormick 
factory and the Haymarket, 
made him a splendid mark 

From a Photograph. 



for critical examination, but every effort to extract definite information 
proved futile. 

Spies was a young man of considerable ability, having enjoyed more 
than a common school education in Germany, and in all his talks he 
demonstrated that he had been a diligent reader of history and an enthu- 
siastic student of Socialism and Anarchy. With all his reading, however, it 
was apparent that he had not carefully digested his information. He 
always acted as if self-conscious of great knowledge. He was a strong 

and effective speaker, but in all 
his harangues there seemed to be 
lacking the element of sincerity. 
For a long time some of his asso- 
ciates doubted if he really meant 
what he said, and there are Anar- 
chists to-day who do not believe 
that he was at any time really in 
earnest in his public utterances. 
They think that he exerted himself 
simply for the purpose of being 
looked upon as a popular leader 
and hero, and that he worked for 
the cause only as a means of ob- 
taining an easy living. He was 
exceedingly vain and pompous, 
and courted public notoriety. 

Spies had received a very good 
salary as editor of the Arbciter- 
Zeitung and enjoyed nothing better 
than to write a fiery editorial or 
deliver an incendiary speech. It 
AUGUST SPIES. all served to rivet attention on him- 

From a Photograph taken by the Police, se if , The more attention, the more 

it pleased his vanity. His constant desire was to place himself on dress 
parade, so to speak, and. he generally sought out, when he lunched down 
town at noon, some fashionable or crowded restaurant. He would strut to 
a table which could only be reached by passing other crowded tables, and 
enjoy the sotto voce remarks as he passed or as he sat at the table he 
had selected "There is Spies, the noted Anarchist." No common An- 
archist, lager-beer-and-pretzel lunch-houses suited him. 

It was at a large restaurant, on the 3d of May, at noon, that he met a 
well-known attorney, to whom he was introduced and with whom he had 
some conversation of a joking, bantering nature. The attorney testified 
before the grand jury subsequently as to this conversation, and the sub- 


stance of it will be found in the chapter devoted to a review of its proceed- 
ings. But it transpires that there was some further conversation that does 
not appear in the report of the grand jury investigation, but which has 
since been brought out through the recollection of another party, and, 
which, while it was given in an off-hand way, fully showed that Spies desired 
to make a great impression on the mind of his casual acquaintance as well 
as to intimate the existence of some secret understanding for bringing on 
bloodshed. On that occasion Spies, after being assured that the attorney 
was not an Anarchist, remarked : 

" You had better be one, for in less than twenty-four hours a Socialist, well 
armed, with a market on his shoulder, will appear out of every door, and 
whoever has not got the sign or pass-word will be shot down in his tracks. 
I am about going out now to McCormick's factory, west of here, for the 

purpose of addressing a multitude ot workingmen, and I will raise h 1 

before I get through." 

Besides his fancy for popular restaurants, there was another pecu- 
liarity about Spies. He frequently attended the German theaters, osten- 
sibly for the recreation he might find in the plays, but the principal motive 
was the cultivation of the actresses' acquaintance. Introductions, which he 
sought eagerly, were followed by invitations to wine suppers. He was good 
company, and his lady acquaintances were not averse to accepting his invi- 
tations even though he was an Anarchist. Possibly they doubted the sin- 
cerity of his convictions although they entertained no question about the 
reality of his cash. None of them, however, seem to have visited him during 
his incarceration, save one, a tall woman who now lives on Wells Street 
near Chicago Avenue. 

During his troubles Spies made the acquaintance of a woman in another 
station of life. It was during his trial that Miss Nina Van Zandt became 
interested in him and espoused his cause. She had read of his case, and 
there seemed to be a charm about his conduct as described in the news- 
papers that prompted her to seek his acquaintance. She was a young girl 
of rare beauty and considerable mental endowment, and she had moved in 
the best society, but, notwithstanding her social position and culture, she 
sought an introduction and soon fell desperately in love with the Anarchist. 
She was an only child and the petted daughter of parents of high social con- 
nections, and her immediate relatives were wealthy people in Pittsburg. 
Her parents threw no obstacles in the way of her attachment, and she 
espoused Spies' cause with her whole impetuous nature, and cast her lot 
with the conspirator and his rabble of low-browed followers. It may have 
been love, but it was love which could only have been the product of a 
disordered mind. 

During the later stages of Spies' trial she was a constant visitor at the 
County Jail, frequently accompanied by her mother and sometimes by her 



father, and on each occasion she would bring him some delicacy or token of 
her esteem. Rare flowers and bouquets she either brought or sent daily, 
and the affection she evinced seemed a growth of months instead of days. 
She had great confidence in the jury and implicitly believed that acquittal 
would result at their hands. Her presence invariably graced the court-room, 
whenever possible, and the defendants themselves could not have been more 
eager listeners to the proceedings. When her love for Spies became pub- 
licly known, she attracted great attention, but her demeanor would have led 
one to believe that she was entirely unconscious of the notoriety she had 

achieved. This was not the case. 
It rather pleased her, and, to 
still further intensify public at- 
tention and curiosity, she made 
it a point to display a most varied 
wardrobe during the progress of 
the trial. At the forenoon ses- 
sion she would appear in court 
with one fashionable outfit, and 
this she would change for an 
equally stunning attire in the 
afternoon. She had a striking 
figure, was stately in appear- 
ance, dignified in manner, and 
with a fine, handsome face, it 
was no wonder that she became 
an object of marked attention, in 
the Court-house as well as upon 
the streets. 

But withal she never lost 
sight of her lover nor of the court 
proceedings. Spies was in her mind constantly, and every movement in 
the. trial excited her closest attention. It was indeed a strange infatuation 
:she displayed for the Anarchist, and it was the more strange since Spies 
seemed indifferent to her attentions. The public gradually began to learn 
>of this state of affairs through rumors and newspaper reports, but the gen- 
eral opinion was that, if such was the case, Spies had accepted her atten- 
tions simply as a matter either of expediency or from an innate desire 
for notoriety on his part. The public was right. Spies was playing for 
points, as billiardists would say. To be sure, he received her kindly and 
very courteously, and indulged in the expressions which lovers are wont 
to exchange, but those who watched him closely and long could never 
discover that his love came from the heart. He simply saw in her 
devotion and in her standing in society a possible chance for favor- 

From a Photograph. 



ably influencing the minds of the jury, and thus, through her, he hoped 
to secure a release from the troubles surrounding him. When this 
failed and death stared him in the face, he still figured that she could 
prove serviceable to him in influencing her wealthy relatives to aid him 
financially in further conducting his case, or help him in some manner 
in effecting a change in public sentiment. Such were undoubtedly his 
motives at least close observers of his actions hold that theory. When, 
later on, things did not move exactly in the line he had hoped for, he 
willingly assented to a marriage, and entered into the arrangements for its 
celebration with apparent eagerness. 

This course, Spies no doubt supposed, would demonstrate to the unfeeling 
world that there existed a devout mutual attachment, and his claims for 
interested consideration at the hands of her relatives would become greatly 
strengthened. But it only proved his desperate situation. His love had 
been questioned by the public, and mar- 
riage was calculated to settle the doubt. 
The public did not take kindly to the pro- 
posed ceremony. The moment the news- 
papers had announced such a contemplated 
step, the utmost indignation was aroused, 
and protest upon protest poured in upon 
Sheriff Matson. Mr. Matson promptly de- 
clared that no marriage should take place 
between the two while Spies was in his 
custody, and thereafter Miss Van Zandt 
was placed under the strictest surveillance 
whenever she visited her affianced. 

But all this unexpected interference 
in what he regarded as his own business 
only tended to make Spies desperate, and, spurred on by his outside An- 
archist friends, who had likewise become indignant over a public inter- 
meddling in a love affair, he dropped his diplomacy and resolved that the 
wishes of his ardent lady love should not be baffled either by officials or by 
the public. Miss Nina in her unreasoning infatuation readily acquiesced in 
the suggestion of a proxy marriage, and Justice Engelhardt was consulted. 
This gentleman claimed that under the statutes such a marriage would be 
valid, and he consented to a performance of the ceremony. Accordingly, 
on the 2gth of January, 1887, a proxy marriage was performed between 
Miss Nina and Chris Spies, a brother of the doomed man. The attorneys 
of Chicago regarded the ceremony as illegal, but the Anarchists considered 
it as binding as if directly contracted. 

Miss Nina continued her visits to the jail after this mock proceeding, 
but lynx-eyed officials saw to it that there was no one present during her 


From a Photograph taken by the Police 



interviews with Spies to secretly and legally splice them together. She was 
devoted to him at all times and all the time, and whenever she was not well 
enough to visit him for some days or was kept away by other circumstances, 
she would write him tender missives of love and encouragement. She clung 
to him to the last, and in their final interview, two days preceding 
his execution, she wept most bitterly. 

Her love was remarkable, but throughout it all Spies proved himself 
wholly unworthy. He was a reprobate cunningly playing upon her feelings, 
caring very little for her, and he must have known that her station in life at 

that time made her an unsuitable 
companion. For him, however, 
she renounced friends and all. 
After his death she went into deep 
mourning, hung a cabinet photo- 
graph of him in the parlor window 
of her father's fashionable resi- 
dence on Huron Street, and locked 
herself in against the outer world 
for a number of days. She still 
cherishes Spies' memory and keeps 
in her parlor a marble bust of the 
executed Anarchist. Recently she 
has been extending her acquaint- 
anceship among Anarchists out- 
side of Chicago, and she has lately 
visited some of the most rabid and 
demonstrative Socialists at Ottawa, 

Spies was born in Friedewald, 
in the province of Hesse, Ger- 
many, in 1855. He came to Am- 
erica in 1872, and one year later 
arrived in Chicago, where he engaged in various occupations until he 
relieved Paul Grottkau as editor of the Arbeiter-Zeitung in 1876. His 
identification with Socialism began in Chicago in 1875. He was unmarried 
and supported his mother and a sister, Miss Gretchen Spies. He has two 
brothers in Chicago, Chris and Henry. 

MTCHAEL SCHWAB, when confronted by the officers, looked like an excla- 
mation point, and had his long, bushy hairs been porcupine quills, each would 
have stood straight on end. He was bewildered, dumbfounded, and there 
was a distant, far-off expression in his eye. He realized that he was in 
trouble, and to the many questions put to him by the officers he stammered 
apologetic but non-committal answers. It was clearly to be seen that he 

From a Photograph. 



had been like clay in the potter's hand, a mere dupe of his associates. He 
was far less talented and less active than the other leaders, but still in his 
own way he had played quite a conspicuous part in the Anarchist drama. 
He had seen something of the world as a peripatetic book-binder. Through 
his varied experience, his nature had grown irritable and crusty, and Anarchy 
seemed the only thing suited to right the wrongs of mankind. He fell in 
with the ideas of the cranks in Chicago, and soon wormed himself into an 
assistant editorial position of $18 a week on the Ar better- Zeitung. In 
appearance Schwab was ungainly and ferocious, but when put to the test he 
was calm and mild as a lamb. The only thing really vicious about him was in 
his incendiary writings and 
speeches. He aimed with his 
limited capacity to be a great 
leader, but the moment he got 
into the clutches of the law and 
found himself in peril of his life 
he retracted everything which 
he had so persistently and stub- 
bornly advocated. His new trou- 
bles brought out the fact that 
he had written and spoken simply 
for the money that was in the 
business, and not because he sin- 
cerely believed in the theories he 
preached. He was at all times 
a supple tool in the hands of 
Spies and Parsons, and during 
the remainder of his days in 
the penitentiary he will have 
ample opportunities to repent of 
his past misdeeds. 

Schwab was born in the village of Kibringen-on-the-Main, near Mann- 
heim, in Bavaria, in 1853, and emigrated to the United States in 1879, 
reaching Chicago in the year following. He afterwards traveled from point 
to point in the West, roughed it a little, and three or four years later 
drifted back to Chicago. He is a brother of the notorious Anarchist of New 
York, Justus Schwab, and has a wife and two children, who are now being 
supported by friends. 

ALBERT R. PARSONS was another leader wanted by the police, and the 
search for him was immediately instituted. Officers went to his house 
only to discover that he had escaped, and for some time it was believed that 
he was in hiding among his friends in the city. Every effort, however, to 
find him failed, and there were all sorts of speculations as to his where- 

From a Photograph taken by the Police. 

1 66 


abouts. It was found out afterwards that he had become alarmed ovet 
the aspect of affairs resulting from the Haymarket meeting, and, thinking 
"discretion the better part of valor," he had gathered a few dollars together, 
boarded an outgoing train, and landed at Geneva, 111., thoroughly dis- 
guised. He sought out the home of a friend named Holmes, who cherished 
Anarchist sentiments, and remained with him three or four days in conceal- 
ment. With a dilapidated outfit, he concluded to shift his abiding-place, 
and accordingly he went to Elgin, 111., where he was taken care of. From 
this point, in the course of a few days, he went to Waukesha, Wis., and 
there hunted around for work as a tramp carpenter. Waukesha is a great 

resort for Chicago people, but no 
one recognized him in his changed 
appearance. He succeeded in find- 
ing employment, and for some 
time worked as a carpenter, un- 
known and undetected. The labor 
proving too arduous for his unde- 
veloped muscles and contrary to 
his principles as an Anarchist, he 
began to look out for easier work, 
and this he managed to secure as 
a painter. For seven weeks he 
remained at Waukesha, commu- 
nicating with his wife under an 
assumed name and through a third 
party living out of Chicago. 

When the trial opened, the 
counsel for the Anarchists were 
confident that the State had not 
sufficient evidence to convict, and 
upon assurances from Capt. Black 
that an acquittal was certain, Parsons decided to surrender himself to 
the authorities. He boarded a train, reached the city, and, securing a 
hack, drove to his home, on Milwaukee Avenue, where he met his wife. 
After remaining there for three or four hours, he got into a hack, in 
company with Mrs. Parsons, and drove down to the Criminal Court build- 
ing. It was on the 2ist of June, after Judge Gary had overruled a 
motion for separate trials, that Parsons reached the building. He alighted, 
tripped up the stairs, and entered the court-room. If a bomb had exploded 
on the outside, it would scarcely have created a greater surprise than the 
appearance of Parsons as he stalked in and took his seat with the prisoners. 
Parsons was born in Montgomery, Ala., June 20, 1848, and after he had 
reached the age of five, his brother, Gen. W. H. Parsons, of the Confeder- 

From a Photograph. 



ate army, took his education in charge at the latter's home in Tyler, Texas. 
When young Parsons was eleven years of age, he learned the printer's 
trade, and finally drifted into the service of the Confederate army. After 
the "unpleasantness," he branched out as editor of a paper at Waco, Texas, 
and then connected himself with the Houston Telegraph. He identified 
himself about this time with the Republican party, and, taking an active 
part in politics, he became Secretary of the State Senate under the Federal 
Government. In 1872 he married a mulatto at Houston, and, being dis- 
carded by his brother and 
friends, he emigrated with 
her to Chicago in 1873. No 
sooner had he reached Chi- 
cago than he joined the So- 
cialists. He worked for a 
time as a newspaper com- 
positor, but his radical ideas 
and obtrusive arguments pre- 
vented him from holding any 
position permanently. He 
eventually became editor of 
the Alarm and depended on 
his Anarchist friends for a 
livelihood. He was always 
active at their meetings, both 
secret and public, and paraded 
himself as a labor agitator. 
He managed to become a 
member of the Knights of 
Labor, but that body as a 
whole, after seeing how ex- 
tremely radical were his theo- 
ries, repudiated him. 

When his troubles over- 
took him in connection with the trial, Parsons' brother came to his 
defense and took a keen interest in his case, working for him until 
the very last. Mrs. Parsons had early identified herself with her husband's 
views, and was one among several others to organize a women's branch 
of the Anarchists. She can make an effective address, and she always 
took a leading part in extending the membership of her union. On the 
question of her birth, she maintains that she is of Mexican extraction, 
with no negro blood in her veins, but her swarthy complexion and distinct- 
ively negro features do not bear out her assertions. Since her husband's 
execution she has appeared on the stump in various parts of the United 
States, and she is now even more violent than ever. 

From a Photograph. 

1 68 


OSCAR W. NKEBE was fortunate in the failure of the prosecution to 
show his direct complicity in the Haymarket murder. There was no doubt 
as to his active participation in all the plots of the Anarchist leaders, and, 
had it not been for the loss of some important papers, he would now be 
serving a life sentence instead of a fifteen years' term in the penitentiary. 
He took an active part in stirring up the members of the Brewers' Union 
after the McCormick riot, and he contributed no little towards sending 
many of those members to the Haymarket meeting, ready for violence and 
desperate deeds. Immediately following the Haymarket slaughter, he was 

placed under arrest and taken to the 
Central Station at the City Hall. He 
was there questioned in a general way, 
but the near-sighted officials then in 
charge of that important department 
were unable to see any reason for his 
detention and permitted him to depart 
with his friend Schnaubelt, who had 
been gathered in about the same time. 
This led him to believe that he had 
friends at the Central Headquarters. 
His belief in his "influence" was some- 
what shaken, however, when I ordered 
a search of his house on the 8th of 
May. The officers on that occasion 
found one Springfield rifle, one Colt's 
38-caliber revolver, one sword and belt 
of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, a red 
flag, a transparency, a lot of circulars 
calling different meetings, including 
the one calling for "revenge," and 
several cards of Anarchist groups, and 
with all these and other evidence of his connection with the great con- 
spiracy, I went before the grand jury and had him indicted for conspiracy 
to murder. On the 2yth of May, about 6 o'clock, Deputy Sheriff 
Alexander Reed called at the Chicago Avenue Station and asked me for 
assistance to arrest Neebe under the indictment. I detailed Officer Whalen 
for this duty, and the two called at the man's house, No. 307 Sedgwick 
Street. The deputy sheriff informed Neebe that he was under arrest, and 
the officer explained the nature of the charge against him. They told him 
that they would be obliged to take him to the County Jail. 

Neebe smiled when notified of the charge, and remarked in a most care- 
less manner : 

" Is that all? That's nothing. I will get out on bail right away. 1 ' 

From a Photograph. 


But he did not ; he had to linger for a long time. 

Neebe was born in the State of New York, in 1850, of German parents, 
and since his location in Chicago he had succeeded in establishing a pros- 
perous business in the sale of yeast to grocers and traders. He was ambi- 
tious to distinguish himself in other directions, however, and he chose 
Anarchy as a basis for building up a reputation as a leader among men. 
He achieved considerable notoriety, as he was active, energetic and push- 
ing, and at the time of the Board of Trade demonstration he acted as chief 
marshal of the procession. 

Neebe was in the habit of. taking members of the North Side group to 
Sheffield, Ind., for the purpose of practicing and experimenting with 
dynamite bombs. It was on one of these experimenting excursions that he 
lost the joints of all the fingers of his right hand by a premature explosion. 
When questioned about it, he told all his friends and even his own family 
that he had lost his fingers in assisting a friend to lift a sharp building-stone 
on the South Side. His family physician was asked with reference to the 
matter, and, after some hesitation, finally stated that Neebe had admitted 
that he had lost his fingers through the explosion of a bomb. In the expla- 
nation Neebe gave to his friends he overlooked the fact that if a sharp 
building-stone had taken off his fingers it would not have taken his thumb, 
because that member of the hand is never in a position to be crushed when 
one lifts a heavy stone. 

After his trial and conviction, Neebe's wife and little children often visited 
him at the jail, and Mrs. Neebe sought as well as she could to raise his 
drooping spirits. But she subsequently took sick, and after a short illness 
died. A most demonstrative funeral was arranged by the Anarchists. The 
hall in which the ceremonies were conducted was profusely decorated with 
flowers and emblems of mourning. Under most binding pledges on the part 
of the Anarchists, Sheriff Matson permitted Neebe, under proper official 
escort, to take a last look at the remains of his wife at the residence, and 
the scene was a most impressive one. Mrs. Neebe had been a firm believer 
in the doctrines advocated by her husband, but his friends claimed that the 
unexpected troubles of the family had precipitated sickness and brought on 
death. At one time it was thought that some serious disturbance might grow 
out of the demonstration, and that, with Neebe back at his home, an attempt 
at his rescue from the hands of the county officials might be made. But the 
police were present to see that order was maintained. The only thing bor- 
dering on disorder was the fiery speeches of the orators at the hall to which 
the remains were first taken, and from which an immense procession started 
to the place of burial. 

The death of his wife was a severe blow to Neebe. Verily, the way of 
the transgressor is hard. He was subsequently removed to the penitentiary, 
and possibly by the time his sentence expires he may be able to see life in a 
different light than through Anarchist spectacles. 



RUDOLPH SCHNAUBELT is indeed a fortunate man, and, wherever he is at 
present, he must be felicitating himself on his escape from a felon's death. 
On the morning of May 5, after all the help in the Arbeiter-Zeitung had been 
arrested, Schnaubelt was gathered in and taken to the Central Station. He 
was suspected of complicity in the conspiracy, but there seemed to be so 
"little against the young man," that he was promptly released without the 
slightest pains being taken to inquire into his antecedents. Under the free 

and easy system then 
prevailing in the depart- 
ment, there seemed to 
be no idea that officers 
were employed for other 
purposes than simply 
drawing salaries. I look- 
ed carefully into the re- 
lease of Schnaubelt, and 
the more I saw of it, the 
more I was convinced 
that the examination of 
this most important pris- 
oner was the same kind 
of investigation as those 
one could have seen at 
some of the primaries 
three or four years ago, 
when, if a man happen- 

ed to be of a certain po- 

litical faith, he would be 
passed along with the 
remark, " He's all right," 
and permitted to vote. 

Schnaubelt was simply 

asked two or three ques- 


From a Photograph. 

tions and then allowed to go. The stupid detectives knew he was a close 
friend of Spies and Fielden, who were already locked up, and to prove that 
friendship now that they were in trouble, Schnaubelt frequently dropped 
in at the City Hall to inquire after them. He continued to hang around 
under the tolerance of the officials, and I have always believed that the 
only thing that saved him from being locked up was the fortunate circum- 
stance that no one put a sign on his back reading that he was the bomb- 

Officers Palmer and Cosgrove had managed to get a slight clue against 
this man, and they arrested him again on the 6th of May. They stated their 


case to Lieut. John D. Shea, and by him the arrest was reported to his superior 
officer. What was the result ? Shea did not care to be bothered with the 
case. The head of the department likewise did not care to be troubled. 
They accordingly saved themselves all further annoyance by telling Schnau- 
belt to go away. The prisoner, with singular stolidity, did not seem to care 
particularly, and had to be told again that he was at liberty to go where he 
pleased. It is a wonder that the officials did not offer him a cigar in 
acknowledgment of their kindly feelings. When Schnaubelt was released, 
Officer Palmer remonstrated with the Lieutenant, but he was told to let the 
man alone and not bring him there any more. That ended the matter with 
the officer. Several other detectives had meanwhile learned of Schnaubelt's 
close friendship with Spies and other Anarchists, but when they learned of 
the instructions Officers Palmer and Cosgrove had received they likewise 
dropped all investigations when they reached Schnaubelt. The man natur- 
ally felt pleased at such friendly favor and remained in the city until about 
the 1 3th of May. 

It was on the I4th of May that I first received information about the 
part Schnaubelt had played in all the Anarchist meetings and that I learned 
something of his special intimacy with Fischer and Balthasar Rau. 

"You get him," said my informant, "and I will tell you something inter- 
esting that will surprise everybody." 

At this time the man was called Schnabel, and the information was that 
he was working in a store on the South Side. I at once sent Officers Whalen 
and Stift to hunt him up. While engaged in the search they met Officers 
Palmer and Cosgrove. Whalen explained their mission, and then Palmer 
asked : 

" Are you not afraid to arrest him ?" 

Whalen wanted to know why there should be any fear in the case, 
and Palmer remarked : 

"Well, you are running a chance of getting yourselves in trouble. We 
wanted to arrest Schnaubelt in the Arbeiter-Zeitung office, and we were not 
allowed to do so. We found him, Neebe, Fischer, Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. 
Schwab and Mrs. Holmes in the editor's room. Shea told us not to arrest 
him, that he was a ' big stiff,' and then and there he told Schnaubelt to get 
away from there or he would kick him out. All the others were arrested, 
but he was let go. I was detailed to remain around the building. Schnau- 
belt came around there again afterwards, and I arrested him and took him to 
the Central Station. There the man was told to go and get out. On the 
next day he came around there again. I had in the meantime obtained a 
little information about him, and I arrested him and took him to the Central 
Station. I was again asked if I had not been told to let him alone and was 
curtly informed that I was altogether too officious. Schnaubelt was again 
released. I explained that he was a partner of Fischer, that he had the big 
revolver and dagger ; but it was no use he was permitted to leave." 


Officer Whalen replied : " We work for a different man, and I would 
like to see Schnaubelt if he is in the city." 

Officer Gosgrove remarked that he knew where the man was working, 
and the two officers proffered their services to pilot Whalen and Stift to the 
place. They went to No. 224 Washington Street, third floor, but on reach- 
ing there they learned that "the bird had flown." He had not even drawn 
the wages due him, having sent his sister after the money. It subsequently 
transpired that Schnaubelt was the very man who had thrown the bomb at 
the Haymarket, but he had " taken time by the forelock " and skipped for 
parts unknown. Possibly he had got tired of being kicked out of the office 
of the Chief of Police and left Chicago in disgust, or possibly his friends at 
the Central Station may have given him a "tip " to save himself from serious 

Some two weeks thereafter I received information as to where Schnau- 
belt could be found. 

I told Mr. Grinnell what I had learned, and he asked me to send a few men 
at once and get him. I informed Mr. Grinnell that I could not detail officers 
outside of the city limits without the consent of the Chief. Mr. Grinnell 
thought I had better do so anyway. I insisted that I must see the Chief 
first, and Mr. Grinnell remarked : 

" If you do, that will be the end of that matter." 

I went, however, to the Chief's office, and stated my business. I was 
there told that they would get the man. The Chief said that he would go 
out to California and thus head him off. I reported back to Mr. Grinnell the 
result of my interview, and he remarked : 

"Well, that is just what I expected jealousy, and that is all." 

Schnaubelt thus had a good friend at the City Hall, and he cannot thank 
the officers there too much for having saved him the painful necessity of 
going down to death on the nth of November, 1887, with the other con- 

BALTHASAR RAU was another man who did not tarry in Chicago. He had 
been a faithful lieutenant of Spies and had earned a living as solicitor for 
the Arbeiter-Zeitung. He took a keen interest in all of Spies' plans, and on 
Saturday afternoon preceding the day of the riot visited the vicinity of 
McCormick's factory to secure points about the strike for his friend's infor- 
mation. He reported that ten thousand striking lumber-shovers had met 
on that day and had appointed a committee to wait upon the lumber bosses 
to induce them to inaugurate the eight-hour system in the various yards. 
Rau had seen the gathering, and, as the committee appointed by it were to 
report to another meeting the following Monday, he knew that it would 
bring together just such a throng, if not a larger one than the previous 
assemblage. He so posted Spies, and in turn was advised by his friend to 
insert in the Fackel of Sunday, May 2, the notice " Y, come Monday night," 



which was the signal for the armed groups to meet that night at No. 54 
West Lake Street. The bandits did meet, and matured the conspiracy 
which was carried out the following night at the Haymarket. On Monday 
Rau went with Spies to McCormick's factory, aided in inciting the people to 
a riot, and then accompanied his friend to the strikers' headquarters on Lake 
Street, where they informed the people that ten or twelve of their brother 
workmen had been brutally shot down by the "bloodhounds" the police 
that afternoon. 

In consequence of his intimacy with Spies, Rau was at once and the 
only one at first suspected of 
being the thrower of the fatal bomb. 
He seemed to realize that he was 
under suspicion, for he speedily 
left the city after the explosion. 
Assistant State's Attorney Furth- 
mann learned that he had fled to 
Omaha and promptly repaired to 
that city. By instructions, James 
Bonfield was to secure the neces- 
sary requisition papers for Rau's 
extradition from the State of Ne- 
braska and was to follow Furth- 
mann to Omaha. The Assistant 
State's Attorney found Rau willing 
to talk, and asked him to write as 
he had been dictated, to the text 
of the signal, "Y, come Monday 
night." Rau promptly discovered 
that Furthmann knew some of the 
inside facts in the conspiracy, and 
tremblingly asked what he could 
do to save his neck from the rope. 
He was informed that nothing short of "unconditional surrender" would 
help him out of his scrape, and that he must not keep back any informa- 
tion. He then unbosomed himself and told everything he knew. 

While these things were taking place the leaders of the Anarchist group 
in Omaha were collecting money to take Rau away from Mr. Furthmann by 
habeas corpus proceedings. Rau had meanwhile been locked up in a cell 
where he could not easily be reached by his friends, and, as he did not like 
his surroundings, he was anxious to return to Chicago even without extra- 
dition papers. It was on a Monday before daylight that he agreed to go, 
and Mr. Furthmann promptly took him across the river to Council Bluffs, 
in the State of Iowa, to avoid litigation, as he had learned that the Omaha 

From a Photograph taken by the Police. 



judge was ready and willing to assist the Anarchists of that section in effect- 
ing Rau's release. At this time the extradition papers had not arrived. On 
taking up the trip to Chicago Rau became more communicative than ever 
and entered into details quite interestingly. 

Some one in the parlor car which conveyed them to Chicago recognized 
Mr. Furthmann, and it was whispered around : 

"There's Furthmann with the bomb-thrower!" 

A flutter of excitement speedily developed, and soon a demand was made 
on Furthmann that unless he handcuffed Rau the passengers would object 
to his sitting in the parlor car, and they certainly would not allow Rau to 
sleep in the same car unless shackles were placed about his limbs. A 
great deal of parleying ensued. Finally Mr. Furthmann consented to 
appease the now thoroughly frightened passengers. Only one condition 
was imposed by Mr. Furthmann, and that was that the handcuffs and 
shackles should be furnished, as he had none in his possession. The 
implements were immediately telegraphed for, and were on hand when 
Cedar Rapids was reached. But the idea of handcuffing and shackling a 
man who was willingly returning without extradition papers was repulsive 
to Mr. Furthmann. 

A novel thought flashed through the Assistant State's Attorney's mind. 
He informed Rau of everything that had transpired, and told him that he 
did not desire to shackle him in any way. But for the purpose of quieting 
the passengers he would rattle the iron bracelets around in good shape if 
Rau would give up his coat, vest, pantaloons, shirt, drawers, stockings and 
shoes and hat during the night. This was done, and the passengers, hear- 
ing the rattling of the chains at intervals during the night, rested in the 
sweet confidence that a violent outburst on the part of a wild Anarchist had 
been averted. 

The prisoner was safely landed in Chicago, and not a handcuff or 
shackle had been placed about him. He was taken to the Chicago Avenue 
Station, and there put through an examination by State's Attorney Grin- 

In the statement he made to Mr. Grinnell and myself Rau gave his age 
as thirty, his occupation as that of a printer, and his residence as No. 418 
Larrabee Street. 

"We had," he said, "an excursion to Sheffield, Indiana, and there were 
present August Spies, Schwab, Neebe, Engel and Schnaubelt. Those are 
the only ones I can now remember. Engel and Schnaubelt were the ones 
to set dynamite bombs for experiments." 

"Why do you good people use dynamite bombs, and what do you intend 
to do with them?" asked Mr. Grinnell. 

Rau hesitated, but finally replied : "The time we shot off the dynamite 
bombs at Sheffield, at the time of the explosion there were only a few of us 


present. They were the parties whose names I have given and a man who 
came with Engel. We exploded only two bombs, and they were made of 
iron and were round." 

"What is the meaning and for what purpose does that letter 'Y' appear 
in the Arbeiter-Zeitung ?" asked Mr. Furthmann. 

" The last time I saw it was on Sunday, May 2, 1886. The Sunday issue 
of the Arbeiter-Zeitung is called the Packet. Lorenz Hermann was requested 
to have the letter ' Y ' inserted in the paper, and it was printed in the issue 
mentioned. He brought the notice to the office. We did not charge any- 
thing for notices brought in by the members of the armed section. And 
that letter ' Y ' was intended to signify that there would be a meeting at No. 
54 West Lake Street, May 3, for the armed men. I was at Zepf's Hall at 
a meeting held Monday, May 3. I had with me a lot of 'Revenge' cir- 
culars, calling people to arms. I gave the circulars to the boys who were 
present at the meeting. It was after nine o'clock. One meeting had been 
called by the carpenters for that night. August Belz is the man who told 
me the meaning of the word. He asked me at Greif's Hall if I knew the 
meaning of the word 'Ruhe, ' and if I knew what effect its publication 
would have. He then told me that they had agreed that the word ' Ruhe ' 
should apply to a meeting at the Haymarket. If it appeared in the Arbeiter- 
Zeitung, he said, then there would be trouble. The trouble would be fight- 
ing the police, storming buildings and throwing dynamite bombs. When I 
saw that word in the Arbeiter-Zeitung, I was working in the office of that 
paper. I remarked to August Spies that that would make trouble in the 
city, and his answer was that Fischer did it, meaning that Fischer was 
responsible for it. Spies, after I had told him what trouble it would make, 
got excited and called Schnaubelt. Spies asked him, ' How is this ? ' refer- 
ring to the word ' Ruhe. ' Schnaubelt replied, ' Well, they want to throw 
dynamite bombs.' He also said that if the police interfered, then there 
would be trouble at the Haymarket. He further said that the people 
stationed on the outskirts of the city, east, west, south and north, should be 
informed as to when the riot commenced and when their time had arrived 
for storming the city. When Fischer was asked about this word ' Ruhe ' 
he was close-mouthed. He would not say anything to us. I heard Spies 
say in his office, ' If that word " Ruhe "is in the paper, there will be trouble, 
and I don't want that. That will break up our organization.' Spies said : 
'I will print hand-bills to stop the meeting at the Haymarket May 4.' He 
said he would attend to that himself. I said that we had better put up signs 
on the corners to notify the people that there would be no meeting at the 
Haymarket that night. Spies said that if there was a meeting, then there 
would be trouble. Schnaubelt was to go to the North Side that afternoon, 
May 4, and tell the people that there would be no meeting at the Haymarket 
that night. On May 4, in the evening, some one called at the office and 


wanted Spies to speak at the meeting at Deering Station ; but he could not 
be found, and consequently we sent Schwab. Afterwards I went over to 
the West Side meeting at the Haymarket. I saw Spies standing on a wagon, 
making a speech to the people present. When he saw me he called me and 
asked me to go and find Parsons. Spies said, ' 1 want help here, and he 
must help me out.' I went to look for Parsons, and I found him. Parsons 
and Fielden were together. I told them what Spies had said and I asked 
them to go and help him. They did go I went along. W r e got there 
speedily. I asked Fischer for an explanation as to the publication in our 
paper of the notice calling the people to arms, but he would give me no 

"Why did you not give me this statement first when I asked you for this 
information ? " asked Mr. Grinnell. 

"Because I was afraid it would hurt myself, or it might convict me. 
That is the reason why I did not tell you at first. I saw dynamite in the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung building. I saw dynamite lying on a shelf in the back room 
from the office. I know George Engel and Fehling. They printed the 
Anarchist. It was a small paper. They only published six numbers. " 

EDMUND DEUSS was also sought for with some interest. He had been 
city editor of the Arbeiter-Zeitung under Spies. The first week after the 
bomb had been thrown the authorities at police headquarters were informed 
that Paul Grottkau and Deuss, both ex-employe's of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, 
were then living in Milwaukee. Mr. Furthmann thought some points might 
be gathered from them, and accordingly went to that city. He found them 
both. Grottkau, who has since tasted the bitterness of prison life for his 
preachments of violence in the " Cream City," expressed himself as pleased 
that Spies had been placed under arrest and charged with responsibility for 
the murder at the Haymarket. 

" I knew long ago," said Grottkau, "that August Spies would thus end 
his crazy and ambitious career." 

Grottkau and Spies had not been on very friendly terms since the latter 
had succeeded in displacing the former from the editorship of the Arbeiter- 
Zeitung. But, however strong his enmity, Grottkau would not give us any 
information regarding Spies, or dynamite practices, or anything else that 
would tend to put a rope around Spies' neck or hurt any of his companions. 
He referred Mr. Furthmann to Deuss, who was then depending upon 
Grottkau for a livelihood and who received a dollar now and then for writ- 
ing a firebrand article for a paper Grottkau was editing in Milwaukee. 

Deuss was found in a neighboring saloon without a cent in his pocket. 
He stood wistfully eyeing the saloon patrons, hoping to fall in with some one 
willing to buy him a glass of beer or a cigar. Mr. Furthmann at once opened 
a conversation about the Chicago Anarchists. Deuss promised to tell every- 
thing he knew in regard to the Arbeiter-Zeitung, the dynamite brought 



there, the men in the building of that paper and the nefarious things prac- 
ticed by them, on condition that Mr. Furthmann would first buy him a 
good cigar, several sandwiches and the necessary beer. The conditions 
were complied with, and Deuss rattled away a long story. He proved to 
be the first man to inform Mr. Furthmann as to when the dynamite that 
was afterwards found in the Arbeiter-Zeitung had been brought there, and 
where it had been placed. A grease-spot caused by dynamite was after- 
wards found exactly where Deuss said the explosive material had been 
placed, which was right next to the desk used by Malkoff, a reporter for the 
paper and an exiled Russian Anarchist. Rau at that time, it appears, did 
not know the properties of dynamite, for on one occasion a stray match was 
thrown upon the dynamite sack in the office and he was nearly frightened 
out of his wits. 

" Don't you know what you are doing ? " he exclaimed. 

" You greenhorn," was the answer, " Malkoff has handled this stuff for 
years and knows by this time, as you ought to know, that dynamite cannot 
be exploded by contact with fire in such a form." 

This information, though unimportant on its face, assisted Mr. Furth- 
mann greatly in making Deuss talk, and served also as a straw showing that 
the man had given up all the information he possessed. 

So FAR Mr. Furthmann had managed to secure many valuable clues, and 
we studied at once the best method of following 
them up. In running down the pointers, one day 
Mr. Furthmann sought Dr. Newman, one of the 
surgeons who had rendered heroic service in attend- 
ing the wounded on the night after the explosion. 
The doctor was asked with reference to the metal 
and pieces of lead which he had taken from the 
bodies of some of the men wounded at the Hay- 
market. He informed Mr. Furthmann that a young 
man named Hahn, a shoemaker on the West Side, 
had come to the hospital wounded by the explosion, 
and that upon examination a wound had been found 
in the fleshy part of his thigh, from which a piece of 
iron had been removed. This piece was nothing 
less than the nut which had been used to assist in 
holding together the two halves of the composition bomb which had been 
exploded at the Haymarket. This discovery was a most important one. 
It proved at the trial the best piece of evidence used by the prosecution, 
as it demonstrated that the bomb exploded at the Haymarket was one of 
the bombs manufactured by Louis Lingg, since fifty bolts and nuts of the 
same size and description were subsequently found in Lingg's possession. 

From a Photograph. 


The metal removed from the person of the wounded officers was placed 
in the hands of Professors Haines and Delafontaine, expert chemists, for 
analysis, and they found that it contained the same quantity of lead, zinc, 
tin and other ingredients, and the same proportion of impurities as the bombs 
found in Lingg's possession. Even a trace of the copper discovered in the 
bomb exploded at the Haymarket was shown to have come from the candle- 
stick used by Lingg. A small fragment was missing from the candlestick, 
and it was clearly shown that it had found its way into that deadly bomb. 

During this period I also learned that Lingg had not been the first and 
only one to experiment with dynamite in Chicago. I learned that as far 
back as 1881 there had been some desperate men among the Socialists, but 
by keeping their secrets to themselves they had managed to keep the 
general body of the party and the public at large in ignorance of their 
clandestine operations. They had even experimented with dynamite, hop- 
ing to perfect it so that it could be handled with safety; but somehow they 
had failed to discover means for making its use practicable. They had 
adopted various expedients to test its strength when confined in a small 
implement, and in their labors several had' received serious injuries. Four 
or five men are living to-day who were crippled by the rash and ineffectual 
experiments. One Communist was particularly active in studying the prop- 
erties of the explosive and devising a plan to make it serviceable in a com- 
bat with the police. This man had fled from France after the downfall of 
the Paris Commune, a-nd thought himself quite capable of getting dynamite 
down to such a fine point that when his new-found brethren in Anarchy 
started their revolution they would be more successful than his French asso- 
ciates had been. He finally succeeded in making an explosive similar to 
dynamite, but which was found very unsafe to handle. After some of the 
Anarchists had tried it and got hurt, they refrained from further meddling, 
and dropped both the Frenchman and his explosive. For a long time there- 
after dynamite was not heard of. 

A man living on West Lake Street, however, still entertained hopes, and 
finally supplied some of the Anarchists with a dynamite prescription by 
which they could use it with great effect. In imparting his knowledge he 
told them to keep the "stuff" hermetically sealed, for if the air reached it 
an explosion would surely follow. Some found this true, to their sorrow. 

Then a man residing on West Twelfth Street stepped to the front and 
supplied what he claimed could be successfully used. One Sunday some 
half dozen Anarchists went out to Riverside to test the new compound by 
putting some of it under a lot of stone near the Desplaines River, but, to 
their surprise and mortification, they found that it was so weak that it 
scarcely made a noise. 

Subsequently the Southwest Side group took up the dynamite problem 
and experimented with the "stuff." The members of this group, known at 


the time familiarly as " the Bridgeport group," were the craziest lot of Anar- 
chists in the city, and, judging from their talk, were always ready to partici- 
pate in a riot or a revolution. They were great readers of books on 
Socialism, Communism, Anarchy and Nihilism, and they had drilled them- 
selves thoroughly in arms for the coming uprising. But they wanted some- 
thing more potent and effective than simple guns and revolvers, and, as they 
possessed a work on "The Wonders of Chemistry," they saw no reason 
why they could not carry out its instructions with reference to dynamite and 
find some means for putting them to practical use. They accordingly experi- 
mented. They had a friend in a drug-store on State Street, near Van 
Buren, and from him they obtained their supplies by paying a good round 
price. This store finally became known to all the Socialists in the city, but, 
as the owner became frightened at the publicity obtained, he declined to 
furnish any more material for experiments. The Anarchists, however, had 
met with some small success, and they were not discouraged. They found 
another friend on West Twelfth Street, and this party sold them dynamite 
cartridges such as are used by miners. 

There were in the city at the time the Bridgeport group, the Town of 
Lake group, the South Side group, the Southwest Side group, the Frei- 
heit group, the Northwest Side group, the North Side group, the Karl 
Marx group, the English group, the Lake View group (near Clybourn 
Avenue), and another group which existed only a short time, all together 
having a membership list of about 1,500 men, who hailed with great delight 
the report that with some further experiments the dynamite cartridges could 
be made serviceable not only for blowing up buildings, but also for use in 
a hand-to-hand conflict in a crowd. 

The members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein were not then interested 
in this branch of Socialism. They drilled with arms and believed in meeting 
the enemy with guns. It was about this time October, 1883 that the 
national convention of Socialists was held at Pittsburg to formulate plans and 
principles, and there was a division of sentiment on the use of dynamite. 
The radical delegates from Chicago, as stated in a preceding chapter, were 
numerous, and insisted on employing the most effective weapon they could 
find to exterminate capitalists. The result of the conflict was that on their 
return home they made it a point to bring over the members of the Lehr 
und Wehr Verein, some of whom had opposed them at Pittsburg, to their 
ideas, and some time thereafter they succeeded in having the superiority of 
dynamite over guns almost generally conceded. Not only that, but some of 
the members became enthusiastic in the experiments being made. One 
member had even reached a point beyond his competitors in making round 
cast-iron bombs, and succeeded in turning out fifty pieces. A few were 
tried, with what success is not known, but one night two friends of the man 
went to him, told him that they had heard of his having bombs and that his 


arrest would be made the next day. In fact, they assured him that 
he had been spotted for some time by detectives. This frightened the man, 
and he begged his friends to assist him in carrying the bombs away and thus 
help him out of his troubles. The three then went to work, removed the 
bombs, and, to effectually destroy all evidence, threw them into the lake. 

This procedure gave the great man of the Lehr und Wehr Verein a 
chance to breathe a little easier, the air seemed to be more bracing, and he 
could look into the eye of a policeman, when he passed one, with more 
assurance and confidence. But one of those bombs got astray while being 
removed, just before the others were submerged, and it afterwards came 
into the possession of the police. It has had its picture taken and looks 
quite innocent on paper. * 

An engraving of it is herewith presented. This sort of iron bomb was 
afterwards adopted as a model, and became quite popular with the brave 
dynamite experimenters until some one manufactured a- smaller one that 
could be carried handily in a coat pocket. 

They next adopted the long iron gas-pipe bomb, six inches in length, 
which could be carried in the inside vest pocket. 
Every one fell in love with the new invention, espe- 
cially Fischer, and he kept a large soap-box full of 
the bombs at his home, carefully concealed under his 

But the Anarchists were bent on still greater 
improvements. They continued their experiments, 
and the next new invention was the round lead 
bomb, called by them the "Czar bomb." This was the kind brought 
to August Spies' office by "the man from Cleveland," or rather by 
Louis Lingg. One of these bombs is shown in a full-page engraving pre- 
sented elsewhere. They had been designated as the "Czar bomb" until 
bombs began to fill my office, and then they were referred to as "the 
round lead bombs." The police knew them as Lingg's bombs. 

Some of Fischer's bombs were scattered among trusted Anarchists in 
the Board of Trade procession, and their effectiveness would have been 
tried on that occasion had it not been for police interference. The char- 
acter and explosiveness of the "Lingg bomb " are described in the testimony 
of the officers and expert chemists during the trial. 

SAMUEL FIELDEN was found at his home during the day of May 5th, and 
placed under arrest. He accepted the situation calmly, and, without a 
remonstrance, accompanied the officers to the Central Station. Officer 
Slayton, who had him in care, introduced him to the Lieutenant in charge of 
the detective department, and, in view of the conspicuous part the prisoner 
had played at the Haymarket, one would suppose that he would have been 
subjected to a very rigorous examination as to his movements for several 



days preceding the evening of May 4. But nothing of the kind occurred. 
The Lieutenant proceeded to denounce him in English more vigorous than 
elegant, and delivered himself of an opinion about the man and the work 
of the Anarchists at the Haymarket. Fielden stood it all without a mur- 
mur, and probably would have said nothing had not the Lieutenant called him 
a Dutchman. That allusion was the "last straw." Fielden remonstrated 
and emphatically declared that he was an Englishman. He was subse- 
quently turned over to Superintendent Ebersold, and, while exhibiting his 
wound, caused by a shot during the Haymarket riot, he was informed by 
that officer that it ought to have gone through his head. The observation 
was a pertinent one at the mo- 
ment, and possibly the felicity 
of its expression may have sat- 
isfied the official that with it 
his duty had ended in the case. 
At any rate, Fielden was not 
catechized to any material extent 
by the Chief, and that official, as 
well as the head of the detective 
department, was no wiser than 
before the man's arrest. 

The prisoner, who had been 
shown to have declared at the 
Haymarket, "Here come the 
bloodhounds, the police ; you do 
your duty and I'll do mine," 
and to have fired a shot in the 
direction of the police after dis- 
mounting from the speakers' 
wagon, was then passed into a 
cell. His house was searched, 
but nothing of a criminating 
character was discovered. He undoubtedly possessed a great deal of infor- 
mation respecting the revolutionary plot. Had it not been for work done 
outside of the Central Station, Fielden would have been speedily released, 
and possibly some apology might have been offered him for the incon- 
venience occasioned by his arrest and the unintentional reflection cast upon 
the English and German nationalities. 

Fielden was kept locked up, indicted, and finally convicted on discoveries 
made independently of the Chief's office or the detective department. The 
education, demeanor and independence of the man were well calculated to 
deceive the most expert readers of human nature, and his emphatic asser- 
tions regarding the want of any knowledge of a conspiracy would have 

From a Photograph taken by the Police. 


made him a free man to-day had his case rested on the efforts of the Central 
Station. Fielden was a sort of diamond in the rough. He possessed much 
native ability, a ruggedness of character which commanded admiration, and 
a force and volubility of speech which swayed the unlettered masses. Had 
he passed through either an academic or collegiate training, there is no tell- 
ing what eminence he might have achieved in the higher walks of life. His 
rough, uncouth appearance greatly heightened the effect of his utterances, 
as few looked for eloquence from such a man. He was born in Dod- 
morden, Lancashire, England, in 1847, and spent a number of his earlier 
years in a cotton mill. While thus engaged he became a Sunday-school 
teacher at the age of eighteen, and some time later branched out as an 
itinerant Methodist exhorter. Some time after (1868) he came to America, 
settling in New York, and the next year he found his way to Chicago. He 
went to work at Summit, a hamlet a few miles southwest of town, on the 
farm of ex-Mayor John Wentworth, but he did not remain there long before 
he migrated to Arkansas and Louisiana to engage in railroad construction 
work. In 1871 he returned to Chicago and engaged in manual labor, prin- 
cipally as teamster in handling stone. In 1880 he became a member of the 
Liberal League, and under the training and guidance of George Schilling 
he soon became a rabid Socialist. From that the step was only a short one 
to unbridled Anarchy, and the pupil finally became a teacher to Schilling in 
advanced theories on the state of society they all sought to inaugurate. 
Fielden finally became a boon companion of Spies and Parsons, and all the 
rugged eloquence he could command was given to the cause. He was a 
more forcible speaker than either of the two just named, and whenever he 
preached force, as he always did after becoming an Anarchist, his language 
commanded wider attention and made a deeper impression. Had it not 
been for his own sincere penitence for his past misdeeds and the interven- 
tion of influential friends because of that penitence, he would have died on 
the gallows. But he recanted at the last moment of hope for clemency, and 
the Governor commuted his sentence to imprisonment for life. He is a 
married man with two small children, and the misery he wrought upon 
them has been beyond expression. Such is the fruit of Anarchy. 


My Connection with the Anarchist Cases A Scene at the Central Office 

Mr. Hanssen's Discovery Politics and Detective Work Jealousy against Inspector 

Bonfield Dynamiters on Exhibition Courtesies to the Prize-fighters A Friendly 

Tip My First Light on the Case A Promise of Confidence One Night's Work 

The Chief Agrees to my Taking up the Case Laying Our Plans "We Have 

Found the Bomb Factory ! " Is it a Trap ? A Patrol-wagon Full of Dynamite No 
Help Hoped for from Headquarters Conference with State's Attorney Grinnell 
Furthmann's Work Opening up the Plot Trouble with the Newspaper Men Un- 
expected Advantage of Hostile Criticism Information from Unexpected Quarters 
Queer Episodes of the Hunt Clues Good, Bad and Indifferent A Mysterious Lady 
with a Veil A Conference in my Back Yard The Anarchists Alarmed A Breezy 
Conference with Ebersold Threatening Letters Menaces Sent to the Wives of the 
Men Working on the Case How the Ladies Behaved The Judge and Mrs. Gary 
Detectives on Each Other's Trail The Humors of the Case Amusing Incidents. 

I HAVE often been asked how it was that I came to have charge of the 
detective work which was done in bringing the Anarchists to justice, and 
I think that the time has now come for the whole story to be told. I think 
it would be a false delicacy for me, in this book, which I mean to make, as 
nearly as I can, a fair and truthful record of the Anarchist case, to pass over 
the notorious incompetency which prevailed at Police Headquarters at that 
time. It cannot be denied that, had the case been left in the hands of the 
men of the Central Office, the prosecution would have come to naught, and 
these red-handed murderers would have gone unwhipped of justice. This 
was something which every good citizen would have been bound to prevent, 
and more than others a police officer, for into our hands is intrusted the 
care of the lives and property of the community and the preservation of la-w 
and order. I knew as well as my questioners that the case belonged to the 
Central Office. There was the Chief ; there were the two heads of the detec- 
tive department ; there was the detective corps, supposed to contain the 
keenest and the best officers on the force. 

From the first I was satisfied that the men at headquarters neither 
appreciated the gravity of the occasion, nor were they able to cope with the 
conspirators -a set of wily, secret and able men, who had made a special 
study of the art and mystery of baffling the law and avoiding the police. 
There was neither order, discipline nor brains at headquarters. Every 
officer did as he liked, and the department was rent and paralyzed with the 
,euds and jealousies between the chiefs and the subordinates. This, too, 
was at a time when the people of Chicago were in a condition of mind 
almost bordering upon panic. They were looking to us for protection, 
red flag was flaunted in the streets, demagogues were shouting dynamite in 
a dozen parts of the city, riotous mobs had already met the police and the 




police were in charge of a man who it is a charity to say no more had 
neither a proper conception of his duties nor the ability to perform them. 

For instance, on the evening of May 3 all the captains of the city were 
ordered to meet at the Chief's office, and, together with Inspector Bonfield, 
they responded promptly. While the situation was being discussed, there 
was a rap at the door. I was nearest the entrance, and I opened it. Mr. 
Hanssen, one of the editors of the Freie Presse, was there. He handed in a 
paper, saying that it was of most serious import so serious that, as soon as 
he had seen it, he had felt it his duty to bring it to police headquarters. It 
was the " Revenge " circular, of which so much is said elsewhere in this 
book, and which afterwards became so notorious. I handed it to Chief 
Ebersold, who glanced at it and said it was all nonsense. " Why," said he, 
" we are prepared for them." Bonfield looked it over, and thought it serious. 

I was sure that it meant mischief and murder, 
but the rest treated it as a farce. Now, what 
was to be expected from men who had no clearer 
idea of the gravity of the crisis that was upon 
us than the story of this incident conveys. 

On the next evening the crash of dynamite 
was for the first time heard on the streets of an 
American city. The Red Terror was upon us. 
What was done ? 

Every citizen of Chicago demanded justice 
for the brave men who had fallen justice on 
the miscreants who had done them to death. 
Knowing what I did of the manner in which the 

DETECTIVE JAMES BONFIELD. detective work was apt to be done> it will not be 
From a Photograph. JJxUiT A -JtJ 

wondered that 1 at once made up my mind to do 

what lay in my power to hunt these murderers down. Even had I not so 
concluded, the events of that day, the 5th of May, would have fastened the 
determination in my mind. At ten o'clock in the morning I was ordered by 
telephone to report at the Central Station at once with two companies 
trouble was momentarily expected on the Black Road. When I had disposed 
my men at the City Hall, and arranged for the patrol wagons we were to 
occupy if a call should come, there was nothing to do but wait in the Chief's 
office till we were summoned. No one ever had a better opportunity of 
seeing how the police business of the city was transacted. 

It was a time of acute excitement, the day after the Haymarket. The 
Chief was in a state of alarm that would have been ridiculous if it had not 
been pitiable. Whenever the telephone rang, he would start nervously and 
demand, "Is that on the prairie, or the Black Road?" and when assured 
that there was no trouble, his relief was absurdly manifest. Among the 



detectives the topic was whether they would be called on to work in the 
Anarchist case and how many they would be expected to arrest. 

Another question that bothered them was : What would the old man 
(Mayor Harrison) say if they went to work arresting Anarchists, and how 
would he like it ? 

The officers who did their duty after such a stupendous crime as the 
slaughter of the police officers would never have lost anything in the end, 
even if they should have lost their positions. The question, " How would 
Harrison like it ? " as asked by one of the detectives, should, therefore, have 
cut no figure, and possibly it did not. Probably the officer fell back upon it 
as an excuse for his own laziness and incompetence. But one thing is cer- 
tain, and that is that the department did BBfratoffia... v^ * ; "li 

nothing to speak of in the case. 

I saw some of those red-handed mur- 
derers come out of that office smiling 
and laughing instead of being made to 
feel that they were about to have a rope 
around their necks. 

In fact, the Central Office was run so ! 
that no one could tell who was officer, 
waiter or janitor. Everybody had a full 
sweep in and out of the office, and if a 
prisoner happened to be brought in by 
some well-meaning officer, everybody 
was allowed to hear the investigation. 
It was a sort of town meeting, and it 
was free to all. 

At that time Inspector Bonfield had 
been receiving a great deal of favorable 
mention in the newspapers, in connec- 
tion with the labor troubles, and this aroused the jealousy of Chief Eber- 
sold. The Chief accordingly concluded to attend to all the business himself, 
assisted by his pet gang of ignorant detectives, and they made a fine mess 
of it. But forces were at work, in spite of the internal difficulties, which 
rescued the case from utter failure. 

On the morning of May 5, at an early hour, Inspector Bonfield had a 
short interview with State's Attorney Grinnell ; but exactly what transpired 
no one but themselves knew. Before noon of that day, however, the result 
could be plainly seen. Officers James Bonfield, Palmer, Slayton and a few 
others had by that time succeeded in arresting August Spies, Chris Spies, 
Schwab, Fischer and Fielden. Of course, this step only served to create 
more jealousy in the Central Station. 

After the prisoners had been brought in, some of the newspaper report- 

From a Photograph. 

1 86 


ers endeavored to obtain interviews with them, but they were not permitted 
to get anywhere near the / narchists. 

In the meantime, and while the working officers were out hunting for 
more of the chief conspirators, the lieutenants in command of the detective 
department concluded that they would enjoy a little breathing-spell. 
Accordingly they took a stroll among the fashionable saloons on Clark 
Street. There they met their friends, and while sampling the various decoc- 
tions compounded by the cocktail dispensers, they fell in with a party of 
professional prize-fighters, heavy-weight and light-weight, and match-makers 
for man and beast. They found there was more sport in that party than in 
taking risks by going out into the suburbs through tough streets and dirty 
alley-ways looking for Anarchists. 

At any rate, after a lot of wine had been consumed and good cigars 

tested, round after round, one of the pug-faced 
sluggers made the remark to one of the lieu- 
tenants that he would like to see the Anar- 
chists who had been arrested, and the officer 
addressed responded: "Of course you can 
see them all you gentlemen can see them. 
Come right along with us." 

They all fell into line, went over to the 
Central Station, were taken down stairs to the 
lock-up, and there told to go around and look 
for themselves. This was some time after 
nine o'clock in the evening, and after the 
part)' had satisfied their curiosity, they returned 
to the saloon which they had left. The vigi- 

DFFICER (NOW LIEUT.) BAER. ^ reporters had noticed th j s procee din$ f 

and, holding a short conference, they resolved to insist on seeing the pris- 
oners also. They told the officials that the public had as much right to 
know about the parties arrested as a gang of prize-fighters, whether Sulli- 
vans or lesser lights in the prize-ring firmament, and the lieutenants at once 
recognized the force of the argument. Between eleven and twelve that 
night one reporter from each paper in the city was allowed to see the 
Anarchists, and interviews were secured for publication the next morning. 

When I understood how the whole affair was being managed during that 
day, I came to the conclusion that the case would never be worked up by 
that department, and I was more resolved than ever that if the opportunity 
came I would not rest until the criminals were brought to justice. 

Inspector Bonfield had likewise become disgusted with the nervous 
actions of the Chief and the heads of the detective department, and he 
decided to confine his operations to the West Side. He went over there 
that day, May 5, and as a result he cleaned out all Lake Street from 


the river to Halsted Street. He broke up all the Anarchist rendezvous, 
captured their guns, confiscated their flags, and created general dismay 
among the reds. Some sought safety by fleeing to the roofs, others escaped 
through back alleys, and still others got into the dark recesses of basements. 
When they learned that " Black " Bonfield, as they called him, was on their 
track, consternation took possession of them all. The Inspector had no 
easy task. He looked up all their halls and meeting-places, hunted for 
"Revenge" circulars at every place he visited, and in every instance he 
found plenty of them as evidence of the extensive circulation given that 
document among Anarchists. He gathered them all together, and in the 
trial they proved of great service to the State as showing that all had 
notice to come to the Haymarket meeting with arms and be prepared for a 
deadly conflict. After that day Inspector Bonfield turned all his attention to 
the sick and wounded officers and their families, and, as a consequence, the 
Central Station was left without a competent head. But the Central con- 
sidered itself capable of handling the case, and Bonfield never asked any 
questions. Ebersold and the dual-headed monstrosities in charge of the 
detective department struggled along, and, with a great deal of bluster, 
endeavored to show to the outside world that they were moving along finely. 
But they accomplished absolutely nothing. Insults in various ways were 
heaped upon Bonfield, so that every one about the City Hall noticed them. 
Even on the 5th of May, the slights cast upon the Inspector were com- 
mented upon by some of the officers in the Central. Some of the officers 
friendly to the incompetents would declare that Bonfield did not know his 
business and that he was to blame for the killing of the officers, but there 
were others who took a different view and regretted that he was not kept con- 
tinually at work on the case. In fact, the only ones about the building, 
after the incompetent heads took charge, who showed a willingness to work 
and who tried to do their duty, were Officers James Bonfield, Palmer and 
Slayton. All the rest looked scared, absent-minded and indifferent. 

On the next morning May 6 I was again at the Central Headquar- 
ters. I learned then how deep and wide-spread was the spirit that per- 
vaded the department. Nothing was done, and nothing was proposed to 
be done. I also learned of the treatment accorded Officer Palmer by the 
lieutenants in charge of the department. 

The whole trouble appeared to be that no one cared about doing any- 
thing, and that if any one had the temerity to bring information in, he would 
be kicked out. While such was the stupidity or the lethargy of the head 
officials, I was powerless to act. I could not take the case away from my 
superior officer on information rejected and spurned by those in authority 
about police headquarters, and I almost despaired of ever seeing the culprits 
brought to punishment. 

An incident occurred, however, which changed the whole course of 


events. On my way home to supper that evening, about six o'clock May 
6 I met a man near my house. He acted as though greatly frightened, 
but he had some information he wished to impart to me. He was afraid to 
speak, as he said it was life or death to him. 

"If I speak," he said, "and these people [the Anarchists] find it out, 
they will kill me sure. On the other hand, when I think of how many 
were killed, it drives me nearly crazy. I can probably help to bring the 
murderers to justice, and I cannot forgive myself unless I try to assist." 

I told the man that as a good citizen it was his duty to tell everything 
he knew about the affair, and that I should consider everything he said 
strictly confidential. My personal pledge being given to him that I would 
not get him into trouble by exposing him to the reds, he began his statement. 
The man did not tell very much, but after I had gathered together all 
the little threads carefully, the whole proved of considerable service. After 
supper I went to a great many places and remained out till four o'clock the 
next morning. The following day I instructed some of my people how to 
get information respecting the throwing of the Haymarket bomb, and I told 
them where they might leave their information if they obtained any. I got 
back to the station at 9 A.M., and found in my closed letter-box a slip of 
paper containing about five lines of important news. I scanned the paper 
closely, and those who stood around told me afterwards that they noticed 
that my face brightened up considerably. 

I knew then that I had a very light starter in the case, but a good one. 
I could readily see also that everything had to be handled with the greatest 
care, and by preserving the utmost confidence with the informers. I knew, 
too, that nothing must be told even in the Chief's office or in the detective 

I had previously discovered that there was not a man among tne tnree 
heads of the Central that knew how to listen to information, how to put 
questions or remember conversation, or, in fact, to have anything in shape, 
or to keep secrets, and I therefore decided to keep my own counsel. 

On the morning of the yth of May, at nine o'clock, I arrived at the Chief's 
office and asked him if he had any good news. He replied that it was hard 
to get at the bottom of the affair. I then asked him if he would give me 
the privilege of working up the case. He looked at me a moment and then 
said, "Yes." 

"Yes, Captain," he added, after a brief pause, "I will sure. If you 
can do anything, do it. I hope you will do it. I shall be pleased if you 
can only do it." 

I then said : "With your permission I will work this case and all there 
is in the case. You will hear from me soon, but if you should not hear from 
me in three months, do not ask for me. I am going to work night and day 
until this case is cleared up. Good day." 



Then I started for the North Side. Arriving at the station, Lieut. 
Larsen handed me a little note which had been left for me. It was small, 
but full of information, and was the first fruit of one night's work. I imme- 
diately turned over the command of the station and all the details to Lieut. 
Larsen, and at once called in my old reliable officers, those whom I knew to 
be honest and true, strong and vigilant, intelligent and brave. They began 
earnestly and were with me through all the investigations up to November 
n, 1887. They were Michael Whalen, John Stift, Michael Hoffmann, 



Hermann Schuettler, Jacob Loewenstein and Charles Rehm, and they 
reported to me promptly at the office, where they received their first instruc- 
tions. I told them that this must be like all the other cases we had worked, 
secret and only known among ourselves. All information and reports must 
come to me as soon as possible, and all details must be attended to strictly. 
I further told them that they must expect a forty-eight hours' stretch of work 
frequently before we got to the end ; that they must keep in mind that 
their lives would often be in danger, but they should only kill in dire neces- 
sity. Insults or abuses they must not take from any one. I knew that 


they would get into many of those h 1-holes, where the women were a 
great deal worse than the men, and I proposed that the officers should show 
that they were not to be trifled with in the discharge of their duties. 

The field chosen for work was the vicinity of Clybourn Avenue, Sedg- 
wick Street and North Avenue. The officers were provided with chisels, 
jimmies and keys and one or two dark lanterns, and after these preliminary 
arrangements they mounted a patrol wagon and started for the scene of 
their operations. This detail was in charge of Officer Whalen, and the first 
objective point was Sedgwick Street, near the residence of Seliger. They 
began searching all the houses, barns and wood-sheds belonging to Anar- 
chists, and created quite a consternation in the locality. 

While they were thus engaged, I was temporarily called away from my 
office, and on my return I was soon called up by a telephone message from 
the Larrabee Street Station. Answering the call, I recognized the voice 
of Officer Whalen, and some important news was at once communicated. 

"We have found the bomb factory," said Officer Whalen. "It is in the 
rear of No. 442 Sedgwick Street. The house is full of bombs and all kinds 
of material. My men are all there, and I am almost afraid to touch any 
of the stuff. There are some very queer-looking things, besides round lead 
bombs and very long iron bombs, about the house, and probably some trap 
may have been set to blow us all up the moment the articles are disturbed." 

I questioned him as to whether there was any one about the house, and, 
being answered in the negative, I instructed the officer to handle everything 
himself and exercise great caution. Everything that looked suspicious was 
to be packed in a box and sent to the Chicago Avenue Station. I further 
instructed the officer to hunt up the parties who lived there, place them 
under arrest and send them also to the same station. 

Whalen then returned to the house, packed up all the "stuff" and 
hunted for the occupants, who were nowhere to be found. He ascertained 
their names, however, and learned from the neighbors that the head of the 
house worked in Meyer's Mill, a sash and door factory on the North Pier. 
This information was telephoned to me, and I instructed Lieut. Larsen just 
what I desired in the way of securing the man's arrest. The Lieutenant 
called up the Larrabee Street Station patrol wagon, and, with a number 
of officers, he repaired to the mill. He there found his man, William 
Seliger, and brought him to the Chicago Avenue Station. 

Meanwhile Officer Whalen and his men were busy getting their load of 
deadly missiles, and, still unsatisfied, they got some shovels and picks and 
went to mining in the back yard of the bomb factory. They found a lot of 
lead and gas pipes buried in the ground, and after they had collected about 
all the suspicious-looking articles they could find, they brought it all to the 
station. This was the first of a series of searches kept up night and day 
for two weeks, and no house or place where an Anarchist or Socialist 



resided escaped police attention. The houses were examined from top 
to bottom, and when the officers had finished their labors in this direc- 
tion the Chicago Avenue Station was filled with all kinds of arms, some 
old and some new, nearly every nation on the globe being represented in 
the collection. 

On the evening of May 7, about eight o'clock, a gentleman called at my 
house, and in a most confidential manner desired to post me about an arrest 
that ought to be made. 

"You had a fellow taken from Meyer's Mill," said he, "but you left a 
man worse than the one you arrested." He gave the name of the party and 
then silently took his departure. 

On the next day Officer 
Whalen was detailed to bring 
the man to the station, but when 
the officers arrived at the mill 
the bird had flown. This man's 
name was Mueller, No. 2. He 
has never returned to the fac- 
tory, although his tool chest is 
still there, and $27 still stands 
due to him on the books of the 
concern to this date. 

With the information so far 
secured I became confident that 
I had an opening to the case, 
but, knowing that no aid could 
be had from the Central Head- 
quarters, I refrained, I think 
wisely, from asking for assist- 
ance. In Mr. Grinnell and his 
staff, however, I had every con- 
fidence, and I went to his office. I told him what discoveries had been 
made, giving him all the details, and said to him that in working up the 
case I should frequently need his advice. He promptly said : "Schaack, 
you can command my services and those of every man in my office at any 
time." I thanked him, and felt greatly strengthened in the task I had 
before me. 

Mr. Furthmann was directed to go with me and assist in the same 
way that he had assisted in working up the evidence in the Mulkowsky 
murder case. 

I then felt highly gratified, and stronger and more resolute than 
ever, because of my new partner in the case. When we were about to go, 
Mr. Grinnell said, "I will be up to-night and see you." He called, as 



promised. We then told him what progress we had made during the day, 
and he expressed himself as greatly pleased. He urged us to keep every- 
thing as secret as possible and not to take any more people into our con- 
fidence than was absolutely necessary. Having given us this advice, he left 
us, but we continued our work until three o'clock the next morning. We 
met again Furthmann and myself the next day at nine o'clock, and that 
day we worked with great success. The boys brought us in good news 
every hour. Good citizens would leave letters at my house, and these would 
be immediately sent to me by my wife. Before eight o'clock that night we 
had gained an entrance to the conspiracy plot. Mr. Grinnell was sent for, 
and he called on us at once. He was informed of all the facts and said : 

"You boys have done well. You have found the missing link, and you 
have it right." 

Mr. Grinnell became enthusiastic over the work accomplished and recog- 
nized the fact that the right parties were under arrest, and that what had 
been morally certain before as to a conspiracy had now been made a legal 
certainty susceptible of the strongest proof. In reaching this point, a great 
deal of work had been done, and in " its performance talent, tact and 
ingenuity of a very high order seemed essential. Mr. Grinnell inspired us 
with confidence, however, and was kind enough to say, just before going 
home that night : 

" Schaack, I want to say that you are one of the greatest detectives in 

When the case had been worked up to the discovery of the leading facts 
at this time, the reporters for the various papers in Chicago began to gather 
at the Chicago Avenue Station, and they plied me with all sorts of questions. 
They desired all the information I possessed, but their laudable ambition 
was not gratified. Nothing respecting the merits of the case was furnished 
them. This provoked quite a number of the newspaper craft, and they 
sought to even up things by scoring rne and my assistants in the columns of 
their papers. They continued their attacks, evidently expecting that I would 
weaken and tell all I knew, but in this they were mistaken, as their shafts 
fell harmless at my feet. 

The more the papers blamed us, the better we liked it. It made our 
work much easier, because we received a great deal of good information 
from persons who would not have told us anything without positive assur- 
ance of secrecy. 

This was in fact a potent factor in our success, and the newspaper-read- 
ing public really lost nothing by it. The latest news respecting the 
Anarchist conspiracy was always presented by the dailies, and, while there 
may have been wanting many of the essential and interesting facts, the 
public demand was measurably satisfied. At any rate, the interests of 
justice could not be permitted to be overshadowed by those of the news- 



papers, and I held unflinchingly to the course mapped out until the day of 
the trial. The result proved the wisdom of the plan, and the encomiums 
bestowed on me by the press on the evidence I finally accumulated more 
than offset the former bitter attacks. 

Had it not been for the caution and secrecy which we made our rule all 
through the investigation, the plot would not have been successfully unrav- 
eled. Recognizing this trait in my management of the case, men close to 
the Anarchists 
gave points they 
otherwise would 
not have dared to 
give, and there 
was scarcely an 
hour during the 
inves tigation 
that I did not 
find some trails 
leading up to 
the arch-con- 
spirators. I even 
received private 
letters on my 
way home to 
meals. Persons 
would meet me 
on the street, 
hand me letters 
and pass right 
on. Some of 
these letters 
were purposely 
while others con- 
t ai n ed good 
points ; but by 

thing With an- From a Photograph. 

other, and working up everything, something tangible was generally produced. 
In many of the notes a few words would signify a great deal, and the clues 
would be run down to the last point. Of course, sometimes the detectives 
made long and weary walks with no results. But whenever the boys met with 
disappointments in not getting just what they expected, and even when they 
were kept up all night, they never grumbled or expressed dissatisfaction. 


On the morning of May 8, at eight o'clock, we all met for general consulta- 
tion behind locked doors in an inner room, and, while thus occupied with 
the case, I was notified that a lady desired to see me on important business. 
I immediately responded, and as I entered the main office I was confronted 
by a woman very heavily veiled. She briefly stated her mission and said 
that she desired an interview in private. I took her into another office, and, 
after the door had been locked, she said : 

" You must excuse me. I will not uncover my face. Don't ask me any- 
thing about myself, and I will tell you something." 

She was a German lady, well educated, and she spoke in an earnest, 
truthful manner. Being assured that no questions would be asked to 
establish her identity, she then told me where to send and what would be 
found at the indicated place. Before making her exit she remarked : 

" You will have to attend to this matter this very day and before four 

Her information proved highly interesting and valuable, and I thanked 
her for it. In less than half an hour one of the detectives was set to work 
on her " pointers," and before two o'clock he returned to the station with "a 
good fat bird " and a lot of new evidence. Who the lady was is a mystery. 
She left the station as mysteriously as she had entered. 

In the evening of the same day we met again and put together the 
results of each one's investigations. The work accomplished was surpris- 
ing to all. Mr. Grinnell called, and, seeing what had been done, was more 
than pleased. At this time we had some of the Anarchists already behind 
the bars. That night we worked until two o'clock the next morning, and it 
was half an hour later when I directed my steps homeward. As I neared 
my house, I saw the indistinct outlines of a man standing close to a large 
bill-board about ten feet north of my residence. The figure proved to be 
a tall man, and, as I came to a halt, the stranger spoke up in German : 

"Is this Mr. Schaack?" 

"I am," I replied, "and what are you doing standing there?" 

The stranger asked me to wait for a moment, and I complied, hardly 
knowing what to make out of the man's intentions toward me at such an 
unseemly hour in the morning; but at the same time I kept my eye steadily 
upon him for any hostile demonstrations. The strange individual hurriedly 
placed a cloth of some sort over his face, and I began to think some Anar- 
chist had been commissioned to murder me. Still, the coolness and self- 
possession of the man and the seeming absence of the usual bluster 
incident to the commission of a foul crime reassured me. Noticing all 
this, by way of making the man understand that I was prepared for him if 
he had any murderous intentions, I said : " If you make any attack upon 
me I will kill you dead ! " 

" Mein Gott, nein. I only want to tell you something," was the reply. 



I told him that that was all right and asked him into the back yard, 
when he said he would talk to me. I made the stranger go ahead of me, 
and when we reached the yard the man gave me a long story. 

"I dare not," said he, "write to you. I dare not come near you dur- 
ing the day-time. I don't want you to know me, but I think you are the 
right man to talk to. I would not talk to any one else." 

During the whole conversation the man kept his improvised mask on, 
and made it clear that his motive in so doing was to prevent the possibility 
of his being made to appear 
in court to verify the state- 
ments he desired to communi- 
cate. He gave information 
mainly bearing on the con- 
spiracy meeting which had 
been held on the evening of 
May 3, at No. 54 West Lake 
Street, and the interview 
lasted until about three 

When we parted I was no 
wiser as to his identity than 
I had been before, and to this 
day I don't know with whom 
I talked there in my back 
yard that early morning. 

In the forenoon of the gth 
of May my trusted assistants 
again met in the office to com- 
pare notes. At this meeting I 
told Mr. Furthmann what a 
ghost I had seen that night, 
and in our deliberations that 
ghost aided us a great deal. 

As a result the detectives 
started out with new instruc- A BACK-YARD INTERVIEW. 

tions, and they were ordered to be back at the office at one o'clock in the after- 
noon. All reported promptly except a few who had struck a good trail and 
who kept out until six o'clock. The reports of those present showed good 
results. They started out again at two o'clock with new instructions and 
were ordered to report as soon as they had completed their work. Between 
three and five o'clock that afternoon things became exceedingly lively. The 
Anarchists began to move about like hornets disturbed in their nest, and 
some jumped around as if charged with electricity. Towards six o'clock the 


detectives reported back to the office, and an exchange of notes showed 
that it had been a day more fruitful of results than the day preceding. I 
found that a strong chain had been wrought connecting all the leading 
Anarchists in Chicago with the Haymarket murder, and I knew that no 
mistakes had been made in the arrest of those who had already been 
locked up. 

During the same evening Mr. Grinnell and Mr. George Ingham gave 
me a call, and anxiously inquired about the progress made in the case. 
Mr. Grinnell assured Mr. Furthmann and myself that Mr. Ingham was all 
right, being with them, and with this statement all the facts were laid 
before them. 

When the whole situation had been explained, Mr. Ingham said : 

"Mr. Grinnell, now you have a case." 

"George," replied Mr. Grinnell, "up to the time when Capt. Schaack 
began his work I had no case whatsoever. I would have been laughed out 
of court, but now I say we have a good, strong case, and it will be in 
excellent shape. The boys are making it stronger every day. They have 
got things down fine, and they are going to bring out everything there is 
in it." 

We worked that night until one o'clock, and met again the next morn- 
ing at eight, vigorous and keen for further developments. At this time we 
had our hands full, with an abundance of material on which to work. Dur- 
ing the night several letters were dropped in my letter-box, and they all 
contained good news. Some of the letters were somewhat obscure, their 
import having to be guessed at from suggestive circumstances, but they 
nevertheless helped. With fresh instructions the detectives started out 
for the day and reported back at one o'clock as per orders. Everything 
was discovered to have worked well. About two o'clock a man was noticed 
standing across the street from the station. His actions were somewhat 
strange, and one of the officers remarked that the fellow appeared to be 
watching the building very closely. I told the officer to keep watch of him, 
and in the event of his walking away to follow him. The man did not 
move, and as he remained there for nearly half an hour I ordered the officer 
to go across the street and ascertain what the stranger was watching. The 
man declined to speak at first, but, after the officer had threatened to lock 
him up, he stated that he desired to see me, but did not want to go into the 
building. He then requested the officer to tell me that he would meet me 
at the corner of La Salle and Chicago Avenues, and I was so notified. 

I started at once to see the man, but as soon as lie saw me he started 
off. When he got to the corner he turned north on La Salle Avenue, and 
I followed. When I got within twenty feet of him he looked around, and 
then dropped a letter, pointing his fingers to it as he passed on, without 
stopping. I picked up the letter and went back to the station. This letter 



contained very important matter and kept us busy for two days. This man 
was a stranger to me. I had never seen him before to my knowledge, and I 
have never seen him since. 

After this day the office had all it could do and all the information it 
needed. After six days and nights of hard and exacting labor, the real 
troubles of all engaged in the case began. The newspapers now appreciated 
the work accomplished, and they were not slow to bestow great praise upon 
all connected with the case. This did not please Mr. Ebersold, the Chief, 
and on the nth of May he sent for me to report at once. 

The moment I entered the office at the Central Station I saw that there 
was "fire in the eye " of the 
Superintendent, and the 
atmosphere was somewhat 
above the boiling-point. 

"Are you Chief of Po- 
lice or am I ? " broke in Mr. 
Ebersold, in a gruff, blus- 
tering manner, the moment 
I had set my foot inside ot 
the private office. 

"You are," said I, "or 
at least you are supposed 
to be. I certainly don't 
desire to be." 

This shot did not con- 
tribute anything to the 
comfort of the Chief, and 
he grew hotter than ever ? 
and desired me to under- 
stand that he was the Chief, and no one else. Mr. Ebersold then pro- 
ceeded to unburden his mind. He said that his friends had told him that 
they had thought he was Chief, but since they had not seen his name pub- 
lished in connection with the case, they had reached a different conclusion. 
He further stated that ministers even, and professors, too, and other peo- 
ple, had come to him and said that "Capt. Schaack was getting too much 
notoriety." He declared that he wanted me to stop the newspapers writing 
anything more about me and to let the credit be given to the head of the 

"I want this thing stopped ! " declared the Chief, as he struck the desk 
vigorously with his fist and glowered savagely at me. 

I told him that I had not asked any newspaper to write me up and I 
would not tell any of them to stop, simply because it was not my business. 

1 had progressed too far to think of allowing all the work already done 



to be set at naught by the incompetents then at the head of what was 
facetiously called the defective department. I therefore took occasion to 
say, just before leaving the Chief's presence, that, now that I had opened up 
the case, I proposed to finish it, even if I did not remain on the force one 
day after my work had been fully accomplished. A day or two after this 
interview I met Mr. Grinnell and related the circumstances. The State's 
Attorney said : 

" Captain, you are doing well ; you keep on and work just as you have 
been doing." 

During the afternoon of May 10, the detectives of the Chicago Avenue 
Station discovered a lot of bombs, guns and revolvers, which they brought 
to the station. They also arrested a few Anarchists, who pretended to be 
as harmless and spotless as little lambs, but who, before they went to sleep 
that night in our hotel, discovered that they had a great many black spots 
on them. The force continued at work till three o'clock the next morning. 
The following day they met again at eight o'clock in the morning, and sev- 
eral arrests were made that day. 

At about this time the mail was burdened with a great many letters, 
some very encouraging in the cheering and complimentary sentiments they 
conveyed, and others very threatening in their character. The latter class 
were full of most dire menaces, suggesting all sorts of torture in the event 
that I did not stop prosecuting the Anarchists, and the whole formed a very 
interesting collection. It was evident that many of them had been written 
by cranks, and that some bore marks of having been inspired by religious 
enthusiasts. One wrote that enough men had already been killed without 
hunting for innocent men as a sacrifice for the Haymarket murder, and 
another wrote urging that the whole lot of the Anarchist brood be hung as 
fast as they could be arrested. Several drew on their imaginations and 
volunteered "pointers" which bore on their face evidences of falsehood. 
Others would say that their prayers were constantly with the police in their 
efforts, and expressed a hope that out of it all might come the extirpation 
of Anarchy from American soil. These communications poured in upon 
me in such numbers that I had no time to read them through, and even the 
most savage and bloodthirsty hardly gave me a moment's thought. 
As a matter of fact I was never for a moment alarmed about my own per- 
sonal safety. All of the letters I received I filed away, and some day, when 
I do not know what else to do to amuse myself, I purpose to run them over 
again and enjoy another hearty laugh. Meanwhile Anarchist after Anar- 
chist was overhauled, and after one clue had been worked out another was 
undertaken with the utmost secrecy. The detectives continued persistently 
at work, and for two months they carefully kept their own counsel, never 
permitting themselves to be drawn into conversation by outsiders respect- 
ing the case. 


Their experience was highly exciting at all times, and the various haunts 
of the Anarchists were kept in a lively commotion. The social miscreants 
never knew when the investigations would end, and they were in constant 
dread. Finding that threats upon the lives of State's Attorney Grinnell, 
Assistant State's Attorney Furthmann, myself, and the officers engaged in 
the case, had failed to have the desired effect, they turned their attention to 
writing letters to our wives. These letters were written in a most vindictive 
and fiendish spirit. They threatened not only bodily harm to these ladies, 
but promised to inflict death by horrible tortures upon their husbands and 
children, if the prosecution was not dropped ; and they vowed vengeance 
also upon property by the use of explosives that would leave to each house 
only a vestige of its former location. Some of these letters were general 
in their character, and others particularized the kind of death in store for 
all engaged in the case. One said that on some unexpected day we would 
be blown to atoms by a bomb ; another pictured how a husband would be 
brought home in a mangled, unrecognizable mass. Still another would 
suggest that, if a husband proved missing, his remains might be looked for 
fifty feet under the water, firmly tied to a rock or a piece of iron. Another, 
again, stated that on the first opportunity the husband would be gagged, 
bound hand and foot, and placed across some railroad track to horribly con- 
template death under the wheels of a fast approaching train. Still another 
would say: "When your husband is brought home be sure and pull the 
poisoned dagger out of his body." One writer penned a tender epistle and 
closed by urging the mother to be sure to "kiss your children good-by 
when you leave them out on the street." One letter was written with red 
ink and stated that "this blood is out of the veins of a determined man 
that would die for Anarchy." One man expressed sorrow for the woman 
and then concluded : " But we cannot help this. If you have any property 
you had better have a will made by your liege lord to yourself, because he 
is going to die so quick that he will not know that he ever was alive." 
Another said : "Take a good description of your husband's clothes. He 
will be missing before long, and probably after some years you will hear 
that in some wild forest a lot of clothes have been found tied to some tree, 
and these clothes will be stuffed with bones." 

Epistolary threats of this kind were sent almost daily to the wives of 
the officers and officials, and, if published, the collection would form a 
volume in itself. The threats I have given are only a tithe of the whole, 
but I have given enough to illustrate the general trend of the letters. We 
paid no attention to them, but the women, of more delicate and sensitive 
disposition, took them more to heart. The constant receipt of such letters 
naturally made a deep impression on their minds, and some of the ladies 
had dark forebodings. But the officers always took a cheerful view, and 
urged that it was only cowards who resorted to threats. They still con- 


tinued their work, undaunted by these denunciations and menaces, and 
frequently remained out all night in their work in some of the most desper- 
ate districts of the city, sometimes keeping up forty-eight hours at a stretch. 

Mrs. Schaack, a generally strong and courageous woman and deeply 
interested in all my work, did not bear up as well as some of the others 
under the pressure. She had been sick for over eight months, and, when these 
letters began to reach her, she had just reached a convalescent state. Hav- 
ing thus passed through a long siege of illness, her system was in a highly 
nervous condition, and it was, therefore, quite natural that sometimes she 
should become greatly solicitous for my personal safety whenever a very 
savage and gory letter accidentally reached her eye. When the trial finally 
began, I begged her to take the three children and visit for two months a 
place six hundred miles away from Chicago, where she could not only 
enjoy a comparative serenity of mind, but build up her shattered constitu- 
tion, under more favorable circumstances and climatic conditions. She 
acted on my advice. While away, she was in constant receipt of such 
letters as were calculated to make her reassured as to my comfort, and she 
rapidly gained in health and strength. 

Mrs. Grinnell bore up remarkably well under the severe strain. She 
had come in for a goodly share of these murder-threatening letters, but, 
being blessed with good health and strong nerves, she never displayed 
signs of weakness. 

She was a brave lady. Whenever I saw her with Mr. Grinnell, she 
would always say: "Captain, I want you and Mr. Grinnell and all the boys 
to keep on with your noble work." She at all times appeared very pleasant 
and not the least disturbed. 

Mrs. Furthmann was not overlooked by the letter-writers, but her 
husband arranged matters so that their epistles did not fall into her hands. 
He would gather them in, and, with what the mail brought him every day 
for his own individual benefit, he had plenty of hair-raising literature. 
But he paid no attention to the threats and never for a moment relaxed 
his efforts on account of them. These letters became so numerous and fre- 
quent that after a time the officers would jestingly allude to them as their 
" love letters." 

But the Anarchists did not stop with writing letters. One night they 
held a small meeting in the rear room of a saloon on North Avenue, and 
there was a great deal of talk and bluster about what they ought to do to 
" bring the officials to their senses." One suggested that they should blow 
up the house of Officer Michael Hoffman, but that officer appears to have 
had a friend there. That friend opposed the plan and said : 

" Cowards, if you want to do anything, why don't you meet the man 
himself and attack him ? Why do you seek to hurt his wife and innocent 


This appealed to their sense of humanity, and they at once decided to 
abandon the scheme. Finally one cut-throat arose, and, in a braggadocio 
style, broke out, in a loud, coarse and beer-laden voice : 

"Well, we will drop that plan, but you all know where he lives and we 
all have bombs yet. Any one that does not care for a screeching woman 
or squealing young ones, let him go and see the shingles fly off the 

On a subsequent night about two o'clock in the morning a carriage 
drove up to the officer's house, and one of the occupants shouted out, 
"Mike!" The officer drew to the window, and his wife opened it. At 
first, mistaking her for the officer, they halloaed, " We only want to see you 
for a moment." When the woman asked what was wanted they said, "We 
don't want to see you. Where is Mike?" Being informed that he was 
not at home, one of the burly fellows said, just as the carriage started away, 
"A d d good thing for him that he is not at home." 

This band of intimidators and cowards did not overlook me. On two 
occasions they sought to burn my house, but each time they were foiled in 
their attempt. They sneaked, true to their nature, into the back yard, and 
started a fire by means of a kerosene-saturated torch or by the use of an 
explosive. The fires, however, failed to do any damage. 

When the trial of the arch-conspirators began, these same unpunished 
red-handed cranks began to give their attention to Judge Gary and his 
wife. They fairly overwhelmed them with letters of a most threatening 
character, and whenever there was any ruling of the court which they re- 
garded as inimical to their friends' interests, they were particularly vitu- 
perative. But throughout the whole trial neither the Judge nor his wife 
was at all intimidated. They paid no attention to them, and nearly every 
day Mrs. Gary sat by the side of her husband on the bench, giving the 
strictest attention to the proceedings. She was there in the forenoon and 
in the afternoon. When the two went out to lunch together, a detec- 
tive would always follow them, without their request or knowledge, and the 
same course would be pursued when they went home at night or came 
down in the morning. I had this done as a precautionary measure, as 
there was no telling at that time but what some demented Anarchist might 
seek vengeance upon the Judge for some fancied wrong to the defendants. 
Sometimes, after lunch, Mrs. Gary would return in the company of some 
lady friends, but she would invariably, after an exchange of pleasantries 
with them, rejoin her husband on the bench, where she would remain until 
the adjournment of court. Once in a while the Judge would find a 
moment's interval to talk to her, and the devoted appearance of the vener- 
able couple formed a most pleasing and picturesque background to the 
crowded and excited court scene throughout the trial. She was there dur- 
ing all the arguments, and listened most intently to the reading of the 


verdict which finally sent the defendants to the gallows. From the begin- 
ning of the trial to its end she never displayed a sign of weakness or fear. 

While the investigations were in progress, and even during the trial, a 
lot of cranks and desperate men flocked into the city from outside points, 
and there was no telling what villainous deeds they might perpetrate and 
then escape undetected. For this reason I thought it prudent to place a 
watchman at the house of every one actively engaged in the case, and both 
night and day the lives as well as property of all were closely watched to 
prevent the execution of any of the numerous threats made against the 
officials by the red-handed fiends. The attempt on my own house was 
made before these guards were placed, but after that there was no trouble. 
The Anarchists, seeing the precautions that had been taken, gave the houses 
no further attention, and thereafter vented their spleen in denunciatory 

From the very start of the investigations, I engaged the services of pri- 
vate men to work under my instructions, and they invariably submitted 
their reports to me at my house. They never called at the house without 
first notifying me, and this notification would be by means of a sign at a 
place near my residence. I would always look at the spot before entering 
the house, and if I found the sign, I would also find my man in the 

I would then go upstairs, fix the rooms so that no one could see who 
might enter, and leave a sign at the window. In a few minutes my friend 
would appear at the door. Not one of my officers ever knew any of these 
men so employed, but they knew the officers. 

Many funny incidents naturally grew out of this situation. It was very 
amusing to listen to the officers. One would tell me: "I saw such and such 
a fellow, a rank Anarchist, on the street to-day in company with a 
stranger," or : "I saw a couple of them in such and such a saloon together, 
and one of them had a stranger with him, who looked like a wild Anar- 
chist." Then the officers would describe the fellow, and one of them would 

" I know he is an Anarchist. He and the stranger walked around the 
jail building, and the next time I meet that stranger I will bring him in. It 
will do no harm to give him a few days' entertainment in the station. I 
want to introduce him to you. I bet you will keep him, and you can, no 
doubt, learn something from him. I think he is a stranger in the city, and 
he is here for no good purpose." 

The officer was bound to bring him in, and this placed me in a rather 
awkward position. All I could do, however, was to say, "Don't be too 
hasty ; wait till you find him connected with others." 

This worked well for a while, but after a time some of these men who 
were in my secret service were brought in. One morning I arrived at the 



station and found that they had been locked up in a cell. As they had 
received at the start rigid instructions not to reveal their identity under any 
circumstances, they did not send for me the moment they were arrested, 
and so they had to remain until the next day, when I promptly released 

At one time, one of these privates reported to me that he had seen a 
fellow around with some of the worst Anarchists in the city, that every one 
regarded him as sound in the Anarchist faith, and that he and the others 
were in Chicago to liberate the Anarchists from the jail. The private fur- 
ther stated that the stranger had never been seen except in the company of 
old-time revolutionists. 
That was enough for the 
detective to warrant ar- 
rest. I told him to make 
the fellow's acquaint- 
ance and draw him out, 
but be in no haste. A 
few days later, the de- 
tective reported that he 
had spoken to the 
stranger and that he 
would become well ac- 
quainted with him 

At this time every 
Anarchist resort was 
watched very closely. 
I told the private to ascer- 
tain where the stranger 
lived, but he must not 
push himself too rapidly 
forward ; he must make 
an engagement to meet 
the man in the evening 
and stay with him as late as possible. Just as soon as they parted, 
he was to double back on the stranger and follow him. A few nights 
later the private reported again and said that they had been together 
one evening for three hours, when they parted on the corner of Madison 
and Canal Streets. He told the stranger that he would go back to the 
South Side, and then, by following him after parting, he found that the 
stranger started north. The man turned on Lake Street west and entered 
No. 71 West Lake Street, one of the worst Anarchist resorts in the city. 
This place was kept by a man named Floras, a rank " red." The private 

From a Photograph. 



waited for his friend to come out, remaining in the vicinity until Florus 
closed his saloon ; but no one came. The next day the private reported 
the facts to me, and said that the stranger evidently had a room at Florus' 
house. I told the private to try and get the stranger on the North Side so 
that I could have a look at him. He started out to hunt up his friend. 

On the evening of that same day, detective No. 2 reported. He said 
that he had a fellow spotted whom he described as one of a gang that 
had come from St. Paul. He remarked that the fellow was very sharp, but 
not sharp enough for him. He also stated that the stranger appeared to 
like him, but that he did not trust him very much. 

No. 2 further said: "I have been around with him 
every evening. He is very good company, and I am sure 
that he is an Anarchist. But I can't get at his motives." 
I then told him to get the man up here on the North 
Side where I would be able to see him. 

" All right, but you want to get a good look at him ; 
[r the fellow changes his clothes often. He is a foxy fel- 

UHlt"" K 1 * 

B3?" low. 

I said that I would always be at the station from one 

to three o'clock, so as 
to take a look at the 
man when they passed. 
On the next day I 
was on the look-out, 
but no one came. The 
second day I again 
watched, and, to my 
great surprise, at two 
o'clock I saw two fel- 
lows, both in my em- 
ploy, coming east on 
Chicago Avenue from 
Wells Street, and on 
the same side where 
the station is located. They were engaged in conversation, and neither 
looked aside as they passed. I got up on the steps of the front entrance 
and remained there as they came by. They had no sooner got past, when 
the fellow on the inside lifted his hand to the right hip, and after a few 
steps further the other fellow put his left hand behind his back and worked 
his fingers thus each man giving the tip on the other. They proceeded 
towards the Water-works. 

When all this was over, I almost fell in a fit laughing at the joke. It 
was extremely ludicrous, but I had to keep it all to myself. The privates 



kept at work, but I did not tell either the occupation of the other. I had 
promised every man in my employ that I would not give him away, and I 
kept my word. One of these detectives had been assigned for duty north 
of Kinzie Street on the West Side, and the other had been set to work par- 
ticularly along Lake Street. By invitation of some Anarchists on Mil- 
waukee Avenue, the detective in the district north had left his field and 
gone with them to the halls of the ''reds" on Lake Street, and in this way 
the two detectives had made each other's acquaintance and got mixed up. 
I was now in a predicament to straighten matters out and prevent the men 
from wasting time on each other. I finally told each separately that the 
other was working for Billy Pinkerton, and that he should pay no more 
attention to him. This worked satisfactorily. Now and then I received a 
report stating that my detective had seen that Pinkerton man at such or 
such a place. This will be the first time, however, that either one knows 
the other's exact identity, and they can now laugh over their mixed-up 
condition and see what a fix I was in at that time. 


Tracking the Conspirators Female Anarchists A Bevy of Beauties 
Petticoated Ugliness The Breathless Messenger A Detective's Danger Turning 
the Tables "That Man is a Detective!" A Close Call Gaining Revolutionists' 
Confidence Vouched for by the Conspirators Speech-making Extraordinary The 
Hiding-place in the Anarchists' Hall Betrayed by a Woman The Assassination of 
Detective Brown at Cedar Lake Saloon-keepers and the Revolution "Anarchists for 
Revenue Only " Another Murder Plot The Peep-hole Found Hunting for Detect- 
ives Some Amusing Ruses of the Revolutionists A Collector of " Red " Literature 
and his Dangerous Bonfire Ebersold's Vacation Threatening the Jury Measures 
Taken for their Protection Grinnell's Danger A "Bad Man" in Court The Find 
at the Arbeiter-Zeitung Office Schnaubelt's Impudent Letter Captured Correspond- 
ence The Anarchist's Complete Letter-writer. 

IN the light of all the facts that have developed, I do not believe that it is 
too large a statement, nor too egotistical, to say that, but for the work 
done at the Chicago Avenue Station, the Anarchist leaders would soon 
have been given their liberty, and Anarchy would have been as rampant as 
ever in Chicago worse indeed than before ; for the conspirators would 
then have despised as well as hated the law. What the work was, the 
reader will better understand after he has gone through this and the suc- 
ceeding chapters. 

I did not depend wholly upon police effort, but at once employed a 
number of outside men, choosing especially those who were familiar with 
the Anarchists and their haunts. The funds for this purpose were supplied 
to me by public-spirited citizens who wished the law vindicated and order 
preserved in Chicago. I received reports from the men thus employed 
from the beginning of the case up to November 20, 1887. There are 253 of 
the reports in all, and a most interesting history of Chicago Anarchy do they 
make even in themselves. 

They always conveyed important information and gave valuable clues. 
They confined their efforts wholly to Anarchists, and their principal duty 
was to ascertain if the reds intended to organize again for another riot or 
an incendiary attempt upon the city. They were also to learn if steps 
were contemplated to effect the rescue of the Anarchists who were locked 
up in the County Jail, and whether they were getting up any further murder 
plots. At each Anarchist meeting I had at lea^t one man present to note 
the proceedings and learn what plots they were maturing. Generally before 
midnight I would know all that had transpired at meetings of any impor- 
tance. From many meetings I learned that the Anarchists were discussing 
plans to revenge themselves on the police, but in each case, as soon as they 
were about to take some definite action, some one would move an adjourn- 
ment or suggest the appointment of a committee to work out the plan in 




some better shape. When the next meeting was held the fellows who had 
done the loudest shouting would be absent, and then those who happened 
to be on hand would vent their wrath upon the absentees by calling them 
cowards. In many of the smaller meetings held on Milwaukee Avenue or 
in that vicinity, a lot of crazy women were usually present, and whenever a 
proposition arose to kill some one or to blow up the city with dynamite, 
these "squaws" proved the most bloodthirsty. In fact, if any man laid 
out a plan to perpetrate mischief, they would show themselves much 
more eager to carry it out than the men, and it always seemed a pleasure to 


the Anarchists to have them present. They were always invited to the 
"war dances." Judge Gary, Mr. Grinnell, Mr. Bonfield and myself were 
usually remembered at these gatherings, and they fairly went wild whenever 
bloodthirsty sentiments were uttered against us. The reporters and 
the so-called capitalistic press also shared in the general denunciations. At 
one meeting, held on North Halsted Street, there were thirteen of these 
creatures in petticoats present, the most hideous-looking females that could 
possibly be found. If a reward of money had been offered for an uglier set, 
no one could have profited upon the collection. Some of them were pock- 
marked, others freckle-faced and red-haired, and others again held their 
snuff-boxes in their hands while the congress was in session. One female 


appeared at one of these meetings with her husband's boots on, and there 
was another one about six feet tall. She was a beauty ! She was raw- 
boned, had a turn-up nose, and looked as though she might have carried 
the red flag in Paris during the reign of the Commune. 

This meeting continued all right for about two hours Then a rap came 
on the locked door. The guard reported that one of their cause desired 
admittance, giving his name at the same time, and the new arrival was 
permitted to enter. He was a large man with a black beard and large eyes, 
and very shabbily dressed. He looked as though he had been driving a 
coal cart for a year without washing or combing. He also had the appear- 
ance of being on the verge of hydrophobia. As soon as he reached the 
interior of the hall he blurted out hastily, in a loud voice : 

" Ladies and brothers of our cause ! Please stop all proceedings I am 
out of breath I will sit down for a few minutes." 

All present looked at the man with a great deal of curiosity and patiently 
waited for him to recover his breath. The interval was about five minutes. 
Then the stranger jumped up and said : 

"I am from Jefferson. I ran all the way [a distance of five miles]. I 
was informed that you were holding a meeting here this evening, and that 
there is a spy in your midst." 

At this bit of information every one became highly excited, and the 
stranger immediately proceeded to inquire if there was any one they suspected. 
They all looked at each other, and, becoming satisfied that they were all 
friends of Anarchy, waited for the man to give them more precise informa- 
tion. The stranger then continued : 

"The man is described to me, and that is all I know." 

He looked around for a moment and finally said, pointing to the man 
addressed : 

"If I am not damnably mistaken, you are the man ! " At the same time 
he ordered the guard to lock the door and pull out the key. 

"Now," he resumed, addressing the man to whom he had pointed, who 
was none other than a detective in my service, "you will have to give a good 
account of yourself." 

This placed my man in a rather embarrassing position, but he was equal 
to the emergency. 

"I am an Anarchist," he spoke up promptly, in a loud, clear and firm 
tone of voice, " and I have been one for years, and you are simply one of 
those Pinkerton bummers. What business have you here in our meetings, 
I would like to know. The other day I passed Pinkerton's office. I was 
sitting in a car, and I saw you coming down stairs. I suppose you met some 
fool that gave you a little information so as to get in here. All you want to 
know evidently is how many are present here, and, if possible, learn what 



we are doing. You get out of here in five seconds, or I will shoot you down 
/ike a rat." 

The officer then pulled out of his pocket a large revolver, and, brand- 
ishing it in the air, asked : 

"Shall I kill that bloodhound?" 

The women cried out in a chorus: "Yes, yes ; kill him !" The men, 
however, did not like the proposition. One of them said : "Don't kill him 


here ; take him out somewhere else and shoot him. " This seemed to meet 
with general approval. 

The turn of affairs completely surprised the stranger, and he became so 
frightened that he could not speak. No one in the meeting knew him, and 
he was powerless to speak in his own defense. The officer held his revolver 
directed at the man's face and kept toying with it in the vicinity of his nose. 
Finally the fellow stammered out : 

" I am all right, and you will find me out so." 

At last the women again broke in, with a demand that the intruder be 
immediately ejected, and the men responded promptly by kicking him out 
of the door. He had no sooner reached the outside than he started on a 
keen run, in momentary dread of his life, and he kept up his rapid gait until 
he thought he was at a safe distance. 


The officer was then the hero of the moment, but he recognized the fact 
that he himself was not absolutely safe after this episode. It occurred to 
him that possibly the stranger might hunt up some one on Milwaukee 
Avenue who could identify him and assure the meeting that he was 
a true and reliable Anarchist, and thus turn the tables against the 
officer. The moment, therefore, he had regained his seat, he decided to 
resort to strategy, and said : 

"We will have to adjourn at once. This fellow will run to the station- 
house and bring the patrol wagon with a lot of- officers, and we will all be 

In less than three minutes the meeting adjourned, and then the officer 
advised them all to go home immediately and not to remain a second if they 
did not desire to be arrested. The Anarchists did as he suggested, and 
scattered for home in a hurry. 

This detective did not attend any more of the meetings, but was con- 
tent in congratulating himself on having come out of that assembly without 
a bruise or a scratch. 

About January, 1887, one of my privates informed me that there was a 
place on Cly bourn Avenue where the Anarchists were accustomed to hold 
private meetings. He said that he could not get in as yet, and I told him 
to pick up some one whom he could work handily. He must first form the 
man's acquaintance, and then hang around the saloons in the neighborhood 
and read the Arbeit er-Zeitung. I gave him one of John Host's books and 
made him wear a red necktie. I advised him also to get about half drunk, sing 
the Marseillaise and curse the police. By so doing, I told him, it would not 
be long before he would find a partner. Several times subsequently the 
detective visited the Anarchist resorts, accompanied by a little boy who 
belonged to one of his friends, and in less than two weeks he had wormed 
himself into the confidence of the gang who frequented Clybourn Avenue. 
If any one asked him his name he would say : 

" I don't give my name to people I don't know. I am against law and 
order, and that is sufficient. I don't believe in having good men hung to 
satisfy the rich. They will not hang if I can help any." 

For the first couple of weeks, the newly formed friends of this detective 
would not take him to any of their meetings. I advised him not to make 
inquiries. As soon as they thought him all right, they would speak 
themselves. Within three weeks some one took him to a meeting and 
vouched for him as being true to their cause. At the first meeting he 
attended he saw that he was as intelligent as any one of them, and so he 
delivered a short speech. That captured them, and they pronounced him 
a good man. They asked him to call again at their next meeting, and he 
promised that he would be on hand. He then reported to me. I told him 
to find a weak spot around the building, where I could put some one to- 


protect him in case of discovery and danger. A few days after he reported 
again that there was a vacant basement under the house, and that it was 
very low. There was only a common door with an ordinary lock. I 
then promised him that I would put a strong man in there at every meeting, 
and in case he should be attacked by the gang, he should shout, "Police." 
Then, the moment the door was broken in, he was to cry out, " Brother ! " 
so that the man coming to his assistance would know him at once. I also 
told him that at the next meeting he should ascertain the size of the room 
and notice whatever furniture might be there and where it was standing. 
This he did. He made a small diagram. I then detailed a man to take a 
position in the basement at several meetings, but, running short of men shortly 

afterwards, I was obliged 
to take this man away. 
But this did not cripple 
us. On another occasion 
the private reported 
again, handed me a plat 
of the room and gave me 
some desired information.. 
I sent for Officer Schuet- 
tler. He responded! 
promptly, and I told him 
what I wanted done. He 
said that he was ready 
to carry out my instruc- 
tions. I told him to go 
and buy a one-inch auger, 
and next procure a fun- 
nel with the large end the 
UNDERGROUND AUDITORS. circumference of a saucer, 

and a pipe about four inches long. After an hour's absence he returned with 
the desired articles. I handed him several keys with which to open the 
door, showed him the plat, and told him where to bore a hole. I also told 
him to secure a cork and plug up the hole after he was through. I then 
instructed him to get into the place about half an hour before the meeting 
opened and have his apparatus in working order. I gave Officer Schuet- 
tler the dates on which meetings were to be held, and then he started 
out with good hope in his new undertaking. A few days subsequently 
the officer reported back, and his face was wreathed in smiles. 
"You must have had success," I said. 
" Yes, everything worked like a charm." 

He handed me a good report and remarked that it contained the most 
important part of the business done by the meeting. He suggested that 


he ought to have some one with him so that he could secure all the details. 
For the next meeting I sent another officer with him, and this man had a 
dark lantern. Schuettler would listen, and as he whispered the words and 
sentiments of the speakers, the other officer, with the aid of the light from 
his lantern, would commit them to paper. The next morning I received a 
full report of all the transactions. 

This sort of work was kept up for several months, and during all this 
time I was kept pretty well informed of the secret movements of the old 
North Side groups. At the beginning of all their meetings the speakers 
would declare their wish to see Judge Gary, Mr. Grinnell, all the officers work- 
ing on the case and myself hung. They generally closed with a promise to 
kill all capitalists and blow up all the newspaper buildings. 

One private detective, whom I had at work for me for a long time, 
proved very valuable. He belonged to a union and showed very fine 
judgment. He would watch only the most radical leaders and ascertain 
their intentions. He was a rabid Anarchist himself, but he did not believe 
in killing people or precipitating riots so long as it would not help their 
cause. He often used to say to me : 

"Captain, I will be true to you. I will help you all I can to prevent 
some of these fools from committing any more murders." 

He said that some of his people had not sense enough to know what 
they were doing, and that, whenever he met a man of family who talked 
about killing somebody, he would remonstrate with him. For this good 
and sensible advice some of the reds called him a coward and a spy. At 
one time, on Lake Street, a big, burly brute called him a coward and a 
creeping thing. My man stepped up to the fellow and said : 

"I will make you eat your own words, or you will have to kill me." 

"What do you want me to do ? " asked the big ruffian. 

"Fight a duel," retorted the detective. "I will give you twenty min- 
utes' time in which to secure a revolver and get ready. I will pay your 
car-fare, and we will go out to Garfield Park. No one shall go with us, and 
if you don't accept my challenge, I will kill you anyhow." 

"Are you in earnest ? " asked the other. 

" Never more so in my life," was the reply. 

The boasting coward then begged for more time, which was not granted, 
and, seeing the challenger determined, he winced. 

"I believe you are a good man. I am sorry that I have insulted you, 
and I beg your pardon. Let up on this. If you don't feel like doing so, 
for God's sake do it for my wife and family." 

The young fellow then struck the braggart in the face and walked away. 
The whimpering coward never raised his hand nor uttered another word. 

This man whom I had employed did not like Spies. He termed Spies 
a rattle-head, and disapproved of his arguments in the Fackel that the ist 


of May was the time for the Anarchists to rise. In this view all the more 
sensible conspirators agreed. They knew that they could not accomplish 
anything, and therefore they kept away. My man was one of this latter 
class. He said everything was working nicely in their favor, but Spies 
killed everything. He told me that one night he was in company with 
Spies, and that Spies said : 

" I do not care how little I can accomplish. I want revenge on the 
police. They killed my brother a d d policeman killed him at a pic- 
nic. He shot him dead, and I will never stop until I have more than 
double revenge." 

This statement of Spies' about the killing was true. The brother killed 
was a young tough, and had been shot by Officer Tamillo. 

My man said that from the moment of this interview he had no more 
use for Spies. This detective ceased work for a few months, but he there- 
after resumed his secret service, as he found that, in view of the strikes and 
laying-off, he could hardly make a living otherwise. I put him to work 
again, and he did well, continuing for two months. One day he came to me 
and wanted $30. I gave it to him, and he started away. He would report 
to me daily through the mail, and whenever he had anything -of special 
importance to communicate he always knew just where to find me. I 
missed his reports for five days, and I failed to learn anything of him dur- 
ing that time. On the 2nd of August I was severely injured by being thrown 
out of my buggy, and I was obliged to keep to the house for two weeks. 
On the 5th of August I received a communication from the Coroner of 
Lake County, Indiana, asking me if I had a man named Charles Brown 
working for me as a detective. The letter was as follows : 

HAMMOND, LAKE COUNTY, Indiana, August 3, 1887. 

Captain Schaack Sir : I enclose a copy of a statement of a witness who identified the 
bodies of two parties drowned in Cedar Lake ; also the badge pin found on the man. A Mr. 
Heise stated to me before he saw the body that the man was a detective and wore his police 
badge on his breast. The body had been found by a hard case by the name of Green and 
some pals of his, on the southeast corner of Cedar Lake. When the body was landed, all 
the garments on it were undershirt, drawers and pants. All the rest had disappeared. His 
coat was found later, but nothing in the pockets. The rest was not found. Mr. Heise said 
that he had some money, a watch and chain and a revolver when he left Chicago. Other 
parties say that the man Green changed a $20 note for him some time before he was drowned. 
There are some very mysterious circumstances with regard to his condition as found and 
reported by Green and Scotty, when they found the body, with regard to vest, watch, money 
and revolver. I think a little detective work might show up the matter. 

Respectfully yours, G. VAN DE WALKER, 

Coroner, Lake Co. , Indiana. 

Three days after, I learned that this was the same man I had employed, 
and I placed Officer Schuej:tler on the case to unravel, if possible, the mys- 
tery surrounding his death. The officer in a few days reported that it was 
exceedingly difficult to obtain a clue, as no one seemed disposed to give 



any information as to foul play; but enough was learned in a general way to 
warrant the conclusion that underhanded methods had been used to accom- 
plish the man's death. 

I recalled certain incidents in connection wfth the man's work as a 
detective, and, placing them by the side of the seemingly accidental drown- 

ing, I became convinced that a deliber- 
ate crime had been committed. 

One day this private asked me if I 
would allow him to tell a young lady 
what he was working at. I told him that 
he must do nothing of the kind ; that if 
he did so I would have no further use for him. He then begged me to 
permit him to use my name as his friend, and I told him I had no objec- 
tion to that. But I found out later that he had said more to the young lady 
than I had consented to, and J believe his indiscretion in that respect is 
what cost him his life. 

From the moment that the girl ascertained his secret occupation he was a 
doomed man. She let other Anarchists into the secret, and they at once set 
about devising means for ending his life. 

The information I received later was that it had been decided upon that 
the young woman should inveigle him to Cedar Lake, and then, when he 
was in her power, to do away with him. The two left the city together, and 
were followed by the others in the conspiracy to the place where his body was 
found. Before taking the trip on the water, she was seen talking with some 
mysterious-looking individuals, and they then and there decided upon the 
details of the plan. She was to get him to row out into deep water, and, 
v/hen they had got fairly started, her friends were to follow in another row- 


boat at a convenient distance. When they reached the middle of the lake 
she was to keep a close watch on the other boat, and as they neared her 
boat she was to suddenly throw herself on one side and tip the boat over so 
that both occupants would be thrown into the water. Her friends were then to 
be close at hand, pick her up and save her from drowning. The programme 
was carried out so far as related to the capsizing of the boat, but the men 
did not get near enough in time to save her. She went down with her com- 
panion and was drowned with him. 

There is no doubt as to the truth of this plot. It was in entire keeping 
with Anarchistic methods ; and parties who were at the lake at the time state 
that they saw the young lady get up in the boat, and that while thus stand- 
ing she swung it over, precipitating herself and her lover into the water. 
I had men engaged on the case for some time, but the investigation always 
ended in the same way an undoubted conclusion that the detective's life 
was taken by reason of a plot, but no evidence to establish the guilt of the 
conspirators. From the information I received, I am satisfied that the 
whole matter was carefully planned and carried out by the woman. 

From May 7, 1886, to November 20, 1887, I had a great deal of work, 
there were so many things to look after, but after matters had become 
systematized and the force had been brought down to good working order, 
the burdens of the office became much easier than most people would sup- 

In the first place, I had one hundred and sixty rank Anarchists to look 
after ; but as soon as these became known to my men, it was an easy matter 
for the officers to report where they had seen them and with whom they 
associated. Then I had ten small halls to watch where the Anarchists 
met night and day. There were also seventeen saloons where these people 
were accustomed to congregate. Three of these latter had small halls con- 
nected with them. Twelve of the other saloons had rear rooms where the 
reds would sit at times and hold small meetings. After we had all their 
haunts located, and knowing the kind of men who frequented them, the 
work of keeping track of them was not so hard. Some of these Anarchists 
would enter boldly into these places, while others would almost crawl on 
their stomachs to get into the resorts without being seen. Others again 
would disguise themselves so that their identity could not become known 
to detectives. 

The officers made no attempt to close these places, and possibly the 
reader may ask why such notorious and dangerous resorts were permitted 
to continue unmolested. 

My reason for not closing them was that the Anarchists were bound to 
meet in some place. We knew their resorts thoroughly, and I had plenty 
of my men among them, who worked ostensibly for the cause of Anarchy, 
but who continually furnished me pointers. Again, we knew just where 


they would meet and could always have our men present. If I had shut 
them out from these places, they would have been driven into private 
houses, broken up into smaller factions, and our work would have been 
made much broader and harder in keeping track of them and their doings. 
So long as I had the machine, so to speak, in my own hands, and knew all 
that had been done and said, we let them alone. And the results justified 
our course. 

Among the saloon-keepers there was one who seemed to have a special 
liking for me. This man, who had a place on Lake Street, on taking his 
first drink in the morning would invariably drink to my health, saying : " I 

hope that that d d Luxemburger, Schaack, will be killed before I go to 

bed to-night ;" and when he was about to close his doggery for the day, he 
would take two drinks and say : "I hope I will find Schaack hanging to a 
lamp-post in the morning when I get up." 

When the saloon-keepers were particularly loaded with beer, they 
shouted louder than any one else for Anarchy, and the louder and more 
vehemently they shouted the more "solid "did they become with their 
Anarchist customers. At every meeting held at these places, collections 
were taken up, and the saloon-keepers could always be counted upon to 
contribute liberally. 

The worst of these ignorant fools never did realize why the saloon- 
keepers shouted so lustily for Anarchy until they came home to find their 
wives and little ones crying for bread. Then, perhaps, it faintly dawned 
upon their minds that the saloon-keepers were after their nickels. These 
liquor-sellers were Anarchists for revenue only, and they sought in every way 
to keep on the right side of the rank and file of the party. They always 
looked to it, the first thing in the morning, that plenty of Anarchist litera- 
ture and a dozen or so copies of the Arbeiter-Zeitung were duly on the tables 
of their places, and in some saloons beer-bloated bums, who could manage 
to read fairly, were engaged to read aloud such articles as were particularly 
calculated to stir up the passions of the benighted patrons. Robber 
and hypocrite are terms too weak to apply to these saloon-keepers. Some 
of them had "walking delegates" by their side, and if an Anarchist 
seemed to them to be "going wrong" by seeking work, the delegate and 
assistant robber would tell him to go back to his headquarters and 
wait, assuring him that they would have all things right in a few 

And this is the way these poor fools and their families were kept in 
continual misery. Many of the dupes have had their eyes opened and 
have quit frequenting these places and the underground caves. What is 
the result ? Their families are better looked after, and the difference in 
their comfort is very apparent. They used to call the Chicago Avenue 
Station "Schaack's Bastile," but let me say that those saloon-keepers with 


their low and contemptible resorts were the real bastile-keepers. Hundreds 
and hundreds of men, heads and fathers of families, have been kept in 
squalid want by spending their very last cent in these holes, and their 
dependents have been left without food, proper clothing or fuel. I believe in 
unions for proper objects, but even these should not be continued for the 
benefit of such saloon-keepers. 

All these men were great heroes so long as they could hope to enrich 
themselves, but when the chief conspirators were locked up in jail, and 
liberal contributions were demanded for the defense, their enthusiasm in 
the holy cause of Anarchy was considerably cooled. 

While Chicago is regarded as the head center of Anarchy in America, 
people of other cities and States should not imagine that the vicious reds 
are all in this city. There are plenty of them scattered throughout the 
country, and this fact was made quite manifest at the time the Anarchists 
were being arrested. Friends of the imprisoned men came to Chicago from 
all over the United States, and financial assistance poured in on all sides. 
Those who came here were open in their declarations of sympathy and 
never attempted to conceal their actions. 

When these same men were at their homes they did not dare to openly 
say a word in favor of Anarchy, because they were few in numbers ; but 
should there be enough to make a formidable showing, they will throw off 
their mask and assume a defiant, menacing attitude. 

These arrivals, just as soon as they became known, were kept under 
espionage, and every movement they made was looked after, lest they might 
commit some desperate deed. Of course there were a great many whom 
the police did not discover, and it is a wonder that, during the excitement 
incident to the arrest of so many Anarchists and the searches made of 
Anarchistic houses, some diabolical act was not perpetrated. Possibly 
they discovered that the omnipresent police were so thoroughly on the 
inside of their conspiracy that detection was inevitable. It is certain that 
they knew that I had become thoroughly posted as to the inside workings 
of Anarchy, and the sound fear which I was able to inspire by a bold and 
aggressive policy no doubt acted as a restraint upon any violent outburst 
of passion and revenge. 

It was constant vigilance alone that averted trouble, and no Anarchist 
of a specially vicious disposition was permitted to feel that his movements 
were overlooked or unwatched. For this purpose I had Anarchists among 
Anarchists to inform on Anarchists, and all the meetings were thus kept 
under strict surveillance. Even private houses were watched. On one 
occasion I desired to secure certain information. One of the private detec- 
tives was accordingly detailed to watch the rear of a certain building from 
an alley. He was there for two days without being observed by any one, 
but on the third day he was noticed by a police officer. The officer asked 
him what he was doing in that locality, and the private responded : 



" I am waiting for a friend of mine who is working in this barn, and I 
expect him around soon." 

The officer placed no reliance on the statement, and so he hustled him 
out of the alley. The detective walked on a short distance, and, as soon as 
the officer was out of sight, retraced his steps and returned to the place, 
this time finding a different point for his observations. He had scarcely 
thought himself secure from further interruptions, when the back gate 
of the next yard opened, and in walked the same officer. Both were alike 

surprised. But this 
time there were no 
questions asked and 
no explanations de- 
manded. The officer 
promptly seized the 
detective by the collar 
and marched him to 
the Chicago Avenue 
Station. The detect- 
ive kept his identity 
to himself, and of 
course found himself 
speedily assigned to 
a cell over night. On 
the next morning, as 
I sauntered through 
'h the lock-up, I discov- 
ered my friend in 
durance vile, and, 
promptly looking up 
the record, found that 
he had been booked 
for disorderly 


From a Photograph. 

I then returned and told him that, when brought into court, he should 
not say anything to the judge, but play the part of a fool and simpleton. 
His case came up ; he was fined $5 and sent back to the lock-up. I went 
to him later, handed him the money, and in half an hour he paid his fine 
and left. The detective went back to his post, but the officer was not put 
on that beat again. My man worked for about two weeks and finished 
his job. 

Of course, the detectives in the case had varied experiences. On another 
occasion it was desirable to know what was being done at some secret 
meetings held at Thalia Hall, No. 703 Milwaukee Avenue. This v/as after 


the trial of the Anarchists had begun. I assigned a few detectives in that 
direction, and shortly afterwards the proceedings might as well have been 
open so far as the police were concerned. 

My boys had a great deal of fun. They managed to discover a way by 
which they secured an entrance under the stage, and at the first meeting 
they attended they amused themselves by cutting a hole through that por- 
tion of the stage facing the audience. When they had done this, they could 
see all present and hear everything that was said. Many a night they held 
to that port-hole and enjoyed the circus on the outside. They heard many 
a speech of a threatening character against Judge Gary, Mr. Grinnell, Mr. 
Bonfield and myself, and sometimes they had to listen to some rampant 
speaker who would depict the pleasure all Anarchists would enjoy at seeing 
the funerals of these officials passing through the streets. Of course, those 
who were the most bitter had the least courage, and so long as the auditors 
only listened to speeches, my boys were perfectly satisfied that no immedi- 
ate danger was to be apprehended. 

I finally learned that some of the Anarchists had become suspicious, 
and therefore ordered Officer Schuettler and the others to remain away, as 
they would otherwise be discovered. And they would have been. One 
day the Anarchists made a careful search of the building, and they found the 
hole through which the boys had peeped. They then decided on a plan. It 
was that during the next meeting, which they felt certain some of my boys 
would attend, a great commotion should be made in the hall. This would 
surely bring one of the detectives with his eye very near the hole. Then 
one of the Anarchists should stealthily creep up on the side, suddenly 
plunge a sharp iron through the hole, and kill the man within. 

One officer, who proved of great assistance to me, was Charles Nordrum. 
He became engaged in the case shortly after the Haymarket riot, and after 
a time became a regular attach^ of the detective department. He was 
born in Norway on the gth of November, 1858, and had lived in Chicago 
since 1868. He joined the police force in November, 1884, and, possessing 
a great deal of tact and shrewdness, his services were soon enlisted in the 
work of hunting up the red conspirators. He worked at times with Officer 
Schuettler, but reported to Ebersold. Both were known to my officers, but 
they did not know of my private workers. Nordrum was especially detailed 
to look after some meetings at Thalia Hall, at the Emma Street Hall, in 
the rear room of Zepf's saloon, in the rear room of Greif's saloon, at No. 
600 Blue Island Avenue, and at the Northwestern Hall, and he did not 
overlook meetings held in the cellars of some of the more prominent Anar- 
chists on the Northwest Side and of others who were in sympathy with the 
Anarchists. He wormed himself into the good graces of quite a number of 
the reds, and was always kindly received by them. After a time the police 
stopped the holding of meetings in some of the halls, and then the Anar- 



chist sympathizers harbored the reds in their cellars, furnishing candles for 
illumination and nail-kegs for seats. On the 5th of July, 1887, Nordrum 
was exposed at No. 599 Milwaukee Avenue, and he was at once surrounded 
by an infuriated mob. The Anarchists with whom he had associated 
attempted to kill him, but the officer, after a desperate fight, succeeded in 
reaching the door before any serious violence had been done him. This, of 
course, destroyed his further usefulness among them, but out of his knowl- 
edge of the men and their affairs two arrests were effected. He and Officer 
Schuettler brought in Emil Wende and Frederick Kost, members of the 


Terra Cotta Union. These men had been selected to buy each member of 
their group a 42-caliber revolver and one box of cartridges, and the weapons 
so secured were to have been used on the police on the day of the execu- 
tion. The weapons had been purchased, and as soon as the principals had 
been placed under arrest, a descent was made upon the supply. All the 
revolvers were captured and brought to the Central Station. 

Noticing how successfully they had been circumvented in all their move- 
ments, the Anarchists naturally came to the conclusion that detectives were 
working in their ranks either in the interest of myself or of Billy Pinker- 
ton, and they resolved to discover, if possible, the men so engaged. One 



day a very intelligent fellow called at my office and wanted to know if I 
desired any more men to work for me among the Anarchists. He stated 
that he was well acquainted with all the reds, and, if I would pay him well, 
he would render good service. 

I called him into my private office, and I closely questioned him. I 
learned that he knew a great many of them, and I told him that I wanted 
one good man. He then considered himself engaged, and said to me : 

"Now you had better tell me all the men that are working for you 
and show them all to me so we can work together." 

I told him that if he could find out any one of my men I would pay 
him $20 a week, and then he might consider himself engaged. He went 
away, but he never came back to claim the $20. 

This ruse having failed; the Anarchists devised another. One day early 
in August, 1886, they sent one of my countrymen, a Luxemburger, to me. 
This fellow began to play his cards very nicely, 
and sought to carve a very pretty little path 
into my confidence, but he had not proceeded 
very far before my suspicions were aroused, 
and he got nothing to satisfy either himself 
or those who sent him. While our conversa- 
tion was going on one of the officers came in, 
and, noticing the fellow, called me into another 
room. The officer then stated that he had seen 
the man hanging around West Lake Street, 
had seen him drunk frequently, and had once 
found him in tears, saying that he had come 
from Paris, had seen the downfall of the 
Commune there, and that now that Anarchy 
was suppressed in Chicago all hope for liberty 
was gone, and he would be ready to die at his 
own hands after he should have first killed somebody, 
the office. 

"See here, old fellow," said I, "I have spies amongst the Anarchists, 
but I do not want spies among my own command." 

The man was then asked if he could do any work, and when he said 
that he had not done any work in a long time, I remarked that I had a job 
for him. He became interested and wanted to know what kind of a job it was. 

"It is under Superintendent Felton at the House of Correction, and he 
will assign you to work that will keep the dogs from biting you for six 
months. You are a vagrant, and I will bring you into court to-morrow 
morning and have you fined $100. That will be six months." 

The man begged piteously to be spared that punishment, and I plied 
him with questions. He stated that, inasmuch as he was of the same 


I returned to 


nationality as myself, the Anarchists thought he could readily get into my 
secrets, and they had forced him to come. I told him that my officers knew 
him and had him spotted, and that unless he left the city by the next day I 
would have him arrested and sent to the work-house. He left the station, 
and I have never seen him since. Since then I have received a letter from 
Michigan, saying that if the writer had me there I would never see Chicago 
again, as he would find work for me for awhile, and I am confident that it 
came from my old friend. 

During the progress of the investigations some curious characters were 
encountered. Some sought me, as I have already noted, but in most 
instances I had to hunt them. One eccentric genius was especially notice- 
able. He had started out with the intention of reading himself into the 
Anarchist faith, and for this purpose be became a constant reader of the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung and its Sunday edition, the Fackel. For some time he 
wavered in his opinion, but the more he read the more he became convinced 
that there was something in Anarchy. At last he became so deeply imbued 
that he almost regarded it a sacrilege to destroy the copies he had pur- 
chased for his enlightenment. He carefully stowed the papers away in the 
closet in his room, and when he returned from work he would open the 
door and examine his collection much as a miser inspects his hoard. 

May 4 finally came, and with it the event he had looked forward to so 
longingly. But the outcome did not suit him. He noticed that the police 
were getting uncomfortably close to his locality, but he did not feel any 
special concern until one evening a patrol wagon pulled up in front of 
No. 105 Wells Street, near his own domicile. He saw the officers 
approaching in the direction of the entrance, and, jumping from his chair 
near the window, shouted to his landlady : 

" For heaven's sake ! the police are coming to search the house what 
will I do ? If they come into my room and find my papers, I will be arrested 
and locked up as an Anarchist. Let me burn my papers in your stove." 

The landlady would not permit it, as she feared arrest as an accomplice. 
The young man almost fell on his knees in pleading with her for permission. 
Finding his appeals useless, he hastened to his room, lit a fire in a sheet- 
iron stove there, and began to burn his whole collection. His haste was so- 
great that he crammed too many papers in at once, and the stove became 
overheated. The wall paper began to burn, and the Anarchist had to give 
his attention to moving the bed and furniture away from the walls. He did 
not dare to give an alarm of fire, and yet he saw that the whole room would 
be in flames in a few moments. He seized a pitcher of water, emptied its 
contents on the wall, opened the door and called for the landlady to come 
to his assistance. She responded, and when she saw the situation, she 
cried out, "Fire, fire ! " He endeavored to make her desist from her cries 



and urged her to bring him water. Water was brought and soused all over 
the stove and the walls. 

By this time the house was full of smoke, and they opened the window. 
An officer in the wagon noticed the smoke, and shouted to some of his com- 
panions that there was a fire next door up-stairs. The young man over- 
heard this and hastened to tell the officer that it was only smoke and that 
no assistance was required. 

The landlady now ran away to escape possible arrest, and the young man 
was left alone. He again assured the officer below that the smoke had all 
cleared away, and he slammed down the window. 

After thus es- 
caping police in- 
vestigation, the 
youthful Anarchist 
felt happy, and he 
had reasons to be, 
as he would cer- 
tainly have been ar- 
rested, in view of 
his actions, had the 
officers ever en- 
tered his room. 
Others had been 
arrested under less 
suspicious circum- 
stances, and it took 
some of them along 
time to satisfactori- 
ly explain their po- 
sition. The young 
man has since be- 
c o m e connected 
with a newspaper. 
He may deny this in his paper, but I will never "give him away." 

While pursuing the investigations, and never losing hope of finding Par- 
sons, I was one day informed by Officer Henry Fechter that a man who knew 
the foxy Anarchist had seen the fugitive at Geneva, Wis., and his arrest 
might be easily effected. The officer was a detail at the time at the North- 
western Railroad depot, and his informant was a reliable gentleman. I 
instructed the officer to report his information to Chief Ebersold, as I was 
helpless in the matter, having no authority to send an officer* outside of the 
city limits. That was the last I ever heard of it. The information 
was evidently pigeonholed, and Parsons continued to bask in rural sunshine 



and enjoy himself until the day he came into court of his own free will. 
This was not the only instance of supine neglect in the Chief's office and 
the detective department. I have already spoken of the case of Schnau- 
belt, the bomb-thrower, but there is still another striking illustration. It 
was shortly after the selection of a jury to try the Anarchists. The Bonfield 
brothers and myself were obliged to be in court nearly all the time, and the 
Anarchists on the outside, observing this, began to concoct plots for taking 
revenge on the city. In this emergency the Chief decided to go to California, 
and, in order that he might have cheerful company, he invited Lieut. Joseph 
Kipley, of the so-called detective department, and Capt. William Buckley, 
of the First Precinct. 

When Mr. Grinnell heard of this contemplated trip, at a time when, for 
the sake of public appearance at least, the Chief ought to have remained at 
home, he firmly remonstrated and reminded the official of his duty. But 
Ebersold shook his head. 

"I have got my tickets," said he; "what will I do with them?" 

"Throw them into the lake," replied Mr. Grinnell. 

But the Chief was obstinate, and he and his party left for the Pacific 
Coast. The force was then left in command of Inspector John Bonfield, 
who thus had double duty imposed upon him. 

The moment the work of impaneling the jury had begun, the outside 
Anarchists began to exert themselves to put some of their own men into 
the jury-box. When they found that the State was too vigilant, however, 
they next set about to secure such witnesses as could be counted upon to 
swear their friends out of jail. Take the evidence of the strongest witnesses 
put on the stand by the defense, and the critical, unbiased examiner will 
readily discover that many of them were simply perjurers. 

But the labors of the reds were in vain, and when they began to realize 
that the jury did not seem impressed with the character of theif evidence, 
the outside barbarians grew desperate and resolved on a new line of tactics. 

One day I received a note from one of my men warning me to protect 
the jury. The Anarchists, he said, were working out a scheme to injure 
some of the jurors, and if they could succeed in that, they were confident 
the case would have to be begun anew. If the case ever came up 
again, no man would care to risk his life in a trial of the conspirators, 
and their brothers would go free. If, however, the State should secure a 
full set of jurors, they would give them a dose of dynamite, and that would 
certainly end the case. Then they could keep on with Anarchy and make 
the capitalists cower before them. This plan, I was informed, had met the 
entire approval of the gang. 

I conferred with Mr. Grinnell, and as a result we doubled the watch to 
protect the jury. We made it a point also to know when the jurors went 
out for a walk or a drive, and, without their knowledge, trustworthy men 



were always with them or near them until their return. The hotel in which 
they were quartered was only about two hundred feet from the Criminal 
Court building, but whenever they came to the court in the morning, or 
went to their meals during recess, or left the court building after each day's 
adjournment, twelve detectives along the line kept vigilant watch of all 
suspicious characters. Besides the detectives there were fifteen officers in 
uniform, and during the last three days of the trial we even redoubled our 
vigilance. There were twenty-five officers on the street, twenty-five more 
in the court-room, and twenty-five men about the building. All these men 

' 2k* ^Ai*R^ : '?r^?vi '^^ll'Sv'^ ^S% 
~ 4 ^fJljm ^^Pi ASl SftM^ 


were in uniform, so that the "cranks" could see them, and it proved to be a 
very good precaution. During the night, detectives and regular patrol- 
men were watching inside and outside at the jurors' hotel. 

On the last day of the arguments, when Mr. Grinnell was closing for the 
State, something very suspicious was noticed in the court-room. A man 
with a very mysterious air had been seen around the building for eight 
days preceding, and it was recalled that he came at varying hours of the 
day. On each occasion he held a few moments' private talk with some of 
those Anarchists who had displayed interest in the proceedings, after which 


he always disappeared. The parties he generally talked with were Belz, 
who assisted in conducting the defense, Mrs. Parsons and Mrs. Holmes. 
He was about five feet ten inches tall, about forty years of age, weighed 
about 1 80 pounds, had a round face, short, stubby, sandy beard and mus- 
tache, a nose built on the feminine plan, large, gray, piercing eyes, and 
withal he was not a very prepossessing man. 

During the last hour, when Mr. Grinnell was making his plea to the 
jury, this man entered the court-room and took a seat in the front, right in 
the midst of the Anarchists' families. This brought him within seven or 
eight feet behind the State's Attorney. He crossed his arms over his 
stomach, and leaned pretty well forward, keeping his hands concealed under 
his coat. I was surprised at the fellow's impudence, because the court- 
room at the time was so still that a whisper could have been distinctly 
heard all over the room. I sat at a table, with Mr. Walker to the left and 
Mr. Ingham to the right, and I called the attention of these two gentlemen 
to the mysterious man and his queer attitude. They watched his nervous 
actions, and became alarmed lest he might be there for some vicious object. 
The man had indeed a desperate look, but it was thought best not to inter- 
rupt the proceedings just then. Under the strict orders of Judge Gary, 
everybody was obliged to be seated in the court-room, and when the seats 
were full no more were admitted. This was another good precaution at such 
a trial. The police officials had thus a clear view of the whole room. 

At times, whenever there happened to be some severe allusions to the 
defendants by Mr. Grinnell, the stranger would twist himself around 
uneasily, all the time, however, maintaining his peculiar attitude. Mr. 
Ingham remarked that he was afraid the stranger might suddenly jump on 
Mr. Grinnell and stab him in the back. Mr. Walker expressed a similar 
opinion. I said that he should get no chance to do that, as I would kill 
him before he could take one step toward Mr. Grinnell, and at the same 
time I got my trusty 38-caliber Colt's revolver in position where I could 
produce it the instant it was needed. We all agreed that this would be 
the right course to take. At one time the man looked sharply at me, and 
I gave him a savage look right into his eyes. From that time I kept him 
busy looking at me. 

As soon as Mr. Grinnell had concluded the man jumped up, drew near 
to Belz and spoke to him. Then he turned to a woman and handed her a 
paper. Meanwhile I had already called a detective to watch him, and as 
soon as the stranger reached the corridor he was searched. Nothing dan- 
gerous was found about his person, but it was impossible to learn where 
he lived or what was his name. He would give no account of himself, and 
he was taken down stairs and kept there until all the detectives had taken 
a good look at him. He was then told to go and never show himself around 
the building again. 


On the next morning a revolver was found in the building, and the opin- 
ion among those posted on the affair was that it must have belonged to the 
mysterious visitor. He had evidently come with a desperate determination 
to shoot some one, even at the sacrifice of his own life, but, seeing how slim 
were his chances for getting near his victim after the close watch kept upon 
him, he abandoned his intention and dropped his revolver to destroy any 
evidence against himself. 

Possibly he may have been simply engaged in playing a "bluff " on his 
Anarchist friends, his intention being to make them believe that he had 
nerve enough to go right into a court-room and shoot down an official, and 
afterwards to excuse his failure by referring to his friends for proof that he 
was so closely watched that he had no opportunity to get near his victim. 

Mr. Grinnell was shortly afterwards informed of the incident, and he 
remarked that possibly a "crank" might have been found by the Anarchists 
to make an assault that they themselves had not, the courage to undertake. 

As I have already indicated, a great many documents and letters, public 
and private, fell into the hands of the police during the searches made, 
and from the collection I give a few for the purpose of showing what kind 
of a dynamite office was being run by Parsons and Spies. 

The following was found by Detective James Bonfield on Parsons' desk 
in the Alarm office, May 5, 1886 : 

Dealers in Marble and Granite Cemetery Work. No. 193 Woodland Avenue, CLEVELAND, 
OHIO, April 29, 1886. 

Comrade Parsons : Providing we send you the following dispatch: "Another bouncing 
boy, weight n pounds, all are well signal Fred Smith," can you send us No. i for the 
amount we sent you by telegram. Please give us your lowest estimate. Also state by what 
express company you will send it to us. 

Parsons had nothing to do with either handling or selling dynamite, if 
his own statements are to be accepted. Still he and Spies and their crowd 
seem to have had a great many inquiries for the " good stuff " Parsons 
used to refer to in his speeches, and which he urged his followers to carry 
in their vest pockets during the day and keep under their pillows at 
night. Another evidence of their guilt was found on the same day by 
Detective Bonfield in the Arbeiter-Zeitung office, on Spies' desk : 

THE ./ETNA POWDER COMPANY, Works: Miller, Ind., Lake County. 

Manufacturers and Dealers. Office : No. 98 Lake Street, Chicago. 

High Explosives and Blasting Supplies. 

ORDER No. . Sold to Cash. CHICAGO, October 24, 1885. 

10 Ibs. No. i, i^, $3.50; 100 T T caps, $1.00 ; 100 feet double T fuse, 75 cts. $5.25. 
Paid ^Etna Powder Company, I. F. 

In justice to the company it should be explained that they had no 
knowledge of the purposes for which the material was to be used. 

I have already referred to the great courtesy shown Schnaubelt at the 
Central Station how, when he was brought by Officer Palmer for the third 


time before Lieut. Shea and the Chief, he was promptly ordered released,, 
and how he finally and hastily concluded to leave the city in order to save- 
the detective department any further trouble on his account. It subse- 
quently transpired that the direction he took was for the great and bound- 
less West; but in all his wanderings he always seems to have kindly 
remembered his friends in Chicago for permitting him to take so extended 
a journey. He even wrote back to some of them, and one letter, whicli 
was put in the possession of Officer Palmer, is especially worthy of pub- 
licity. It reads as follows : 


To the Chief .of Police, Chicago My Dear Old Jackass: Thanks to your pig-headed, 
lieutenant, I am here sound and safe. Before this reaches you I have left here, and the only 
thing I regret is that we did not kill more of your blue-coated hounds. SCHNAUBELT. 

The following, received by Parsons and Spies, are self-explanatory : 

EUFAULA, April 13, 1886 

Dear Comrade Parsons : I have received your papers and am very much obliged for 
them. Glad that you like my article. I am writing now for To-Day, of London, and for 
the Alarm, and am going to write for La Tribune du Peuple de Paris. Situated as I am now, 
I can be of no good but by writing, and I intend to avail myself of it. You may be aston- 
ished if I tell you that I never use the word "Anarchy." I stick to the old word " Social- 
ism." It can be understood and does not require any knowledge of Greek to make out its 
meaning. If I was to seek in the Greek language for a word to express where I stand, I 
would call myself an Anticrat, opposed to any kind of crazy notions, democracy as well as 
aristocracy. I am for individual responsibility and social action. I am for liberty, but 
within society, not above it, and, first of all, I am for equality of conditions. I want organi- 
zation first, revolution second, social economy re-organization third, and abolition of 
governmental action last of all. If you could confiscate the government to-morrow, I would 
have no objection to use it for a while. 

Anarchism has a very dangerous drift toward individualism, as you may perceive by 
reading Liberty, of Boston, and individualism is bound to generate some kind of a crazy 
notion and end in despotism. Beware of individualistic Anarchism and stick to the socialistic. 
We are in a state of warfare with all the crazes and must use all the weapons of warfare 
within our reach. Our present weapons strikes and boycotting are dangerous, and', 
expulsive if we were to use the ballot. The workers are the many ; the masters the few. 
Before upsetting the government, let us try to use it. Mayors, councilmen, aldermen gov- 
ernors, and so forth, have a good deal to say about how the police and militia shall be used, 
and judges have a good deal to say when workingmen are prosecuted for claiming their 
rights. Could not the workers organize to conquer these offices ? What do you think of 
that ? What do you think of that ? Salute and Fraternity. FREDERIC TAFFERD. 


A. R. Parsons, Esq. Dear Sir : We organized a group of the Lehr und Wehr Verein 
in this town on the above date. The organizer was your comrade John McGinn, of Rock 
Spring, Wyoming. Inclosed you will find the amount for the cards names as follows : 

John H. Nicholson, miner ; age, ... 41 Benjamin E. Williams, miner ; age, . . 37 

Arthur Cowrey, " " ... 42 William Jackson, " " . 39 

William Morgan, *' "... 34 John McGinn, " " . . 29 

Isaac Little, " " ... 39 William H. Osborne, " " . . 36- 

John R. Thomas, miner ; age -33 


I suppose you will need to know who is chief and secretary of the group. John McGinn 
is chief and John H. Nicholson is the secretary. I remain yours, in the care of John H. 
Nicholson, What Cheer, Keokuk County, Iowa, Box 697. 

ST. Louis, March 27, 1886. 

Mrs. and Mr. Parsons: We were quite sorry to learn of your sickness, which prevented 
you to be with us at the Commune Festival, while we were just as glad to see that Mrs. Par- 
sons did accept our invitation. My hope and wish that you are well again for the present. 
The Commune Festival was well attended by a large crowd, and it was a great disappoint- 
ment for the J. W. P. A. being forced to announce the absence of the English speaker. I 
am quite aware that it would have been a great lift for our principles if Mrs. Parsons could 
have been present. However, St. Louis is not Chicago, and the movement is not as well 
progressing as in Chicago. No wonder. I have been teached lately a lesson myself, and 
therefore withdraw as a member of the group. We herewith send you a little collection of 
picture cards, which Mary had saved up for your children. We intended to send them 
along with Mrs. Parsons. Mary has already two large scrap-books full of such collections. 
Hail for the revolution. Yours respectfully, J. M. MENTYER. 

P. S. If you have any old Alarms to spare, I would make good use of them at present 
during this railroad strike. I shall soon send some money again. I also send you the 
Chronicle so you can see what declaration the Knights of Labor have issued in answer to 
Monster Robber Gould. 

Personal. PORT JARVIS, N. Y., October 31, 1885. 

My Dear Comrade: Well, I will stay here, as I wrote you. I started out on a " tramp " 
to look for a job. I stayed nearly a week at New Haven and spoke there, though why Lib- 
erty should head his letter from there "Unfortunate for Herr Most," is more than I can 
see. I came here and looked up an old friend, John G. Mills. He proposed starting a small 
job book-bindery. He puts in capital and I the skill. That seems fair ; while I will be sure 
of a mere living for the winter, there is no guarantee that capital will gain by it. So the 
timidity of capital must be overcome. Well, the bargain is this : When I pay back the 
advance capital (and until I do so I am not to draw in amount over $5.00 a week), paid it 
all, then I am to own half and we will start equal partners, and he furnishes more capital if 
necessary on half paid back. I have agreed, as I believe it is the best I can do, and it opens 
a good prospect. It is probable that I will not be very active in " the cause " here, as every 
moment will be occupied, but I am willing to go anywhere within reasonable distance this 
winter and give a lecture to any group for mere expenses car-fare and board and be- 
lieve I could stir up the boys. New Jersey, Pennsylvania and New York, all three join 
together here, and any of the three States would be convenient. I should give a lecture 
rather than a speech, but it would be extempore. Can't you drop a line to Philadelphia, or 
some point near ? Buffalo is nearly as near. 

When I feel like giving you an article I shall mail it, but, of course, you will use it or lay 
it over as you feel about it. I think I can put a point strongly, but do not want to crowd 
out anything else. 

If you can use me on your paper, draw on me for all the copy you like. I like the Alarm 
and think it has improved since last spring. Any points I can get from French papers, I 
will give you the benefit of. I never got that card. Is it contrary to custom ? 

Yours truly, LUM. 


The Difficulties of Detection Moving on the Enemy A Hebrew An- 
archist Oppenheimer's Story Dancing over Dynamite Twenty-Five Dollars' Worth 
of Practical Socialism A Woman's Work How Mrs. Seliger Saved the North Side 
A Well-merited Tribute Seliger Saved by his Wife The Shadow of the Hangman's 
Rope A Hunt for a Witness Shadowing a Hack The Commune Celebration 
Fixing Lingg's Guilt Preparing the Infernal Machines A Boy Conspirator Lingg's 
Youthful Friend Anarchy in the Blood How John Thielen was Taken into Camp 
His Curious Confession Other Arrests. / 

THE preceding pages will have given to the reader facts enough to show 
the difficulty of the task assumed, as well as the manner in which we 
went about the work. One of the greatest of the obstacles to be overcome 
arose from the character and habits of thought of the Anarchists them- 
selves. They heartily hated all law, and despised its constituted represen- 
tatives. The conspiracy was welt disciplined in itself, and it had been 
specially organized with a view to guarding its secrets from the outside 
world and protecting its members from the consequences of their crimes. 
Thus I soon found that it would require peculiar address, patience, secre 
tiveness and diligent work to lay bare the great plot to the world. 

I can find no better place than this to testify to the help given me 
throughout the case by Assistant State's Attorney Furthmann, whose work 
was a most important feature of the result finally brought before the 
Criminal Court. 

The protection of society is an interest so momentous that it would be a 
false modesty in me to refuse, for fear that I should be charged with egot- 
ism, to analyze the processes by which the conviction of the confederates 
in the Haymarket murder conspiracy was bought about, and accordingly I 
will now say, once for all, that I believe that careful, systematic detective 
inquiry, conducted with some brains and a good deal of grit, can unravel 
any plot which the enemies of law and order and our American institutions 
are apt to hatch. It will require tact. It will require intelligence. It may 
require the hardest and most persistent work that men may do but about 
the result there can be no doubt. Our government and our methods are 
strong enough for the protection of the people and the maintenance of law 
and order, no matter how dangerous may seem the forces arrayed against it. 

The various steps taken may be gathered best from the memoranda 
made upon the arrest of each Anarchist who had been conspicuous in his 
order and who was supposed to know the secret workings of the "armed 
sections ; " and, in reading the particulars, the general conclusion will 
become irresistible that the men who posed as the bloodthirsty bandits of 
Chicago became arrant, cringing cowards when they found themselves 



within the clutches of the law. In the galaxy of trembling "cranks" there 
were a few exceptions, notably George Engel and Louis Lirigg, but the 
demeanor of the common herd under arrest proved that their vaunted 
bravery had been simply so much talk "full of sound and fury." 

One of the first arrests which I made was that of Julius Oppenheimer, 
alias Julius Frey. This man was a peculiar genius and was possessed by 
an unbounded admiration for Anarchists and all their methods. He had 
come to America five years before and had been brought up an Anarchist. 
He was a Hebrew of a very 
pronounced type, twenty- 
five years of age, a butch- 
er by occupation, but an 
Anarchist in and out of 
season. Whenever he suc- 
ceeded in securing employ- 
ment he was sure speedily 
to lose it by his persistent 
teaching of Anarchy, and 
in some places people even 
went so far as to drive him 
out of town. If fortunate 
enough to get work in an 
adjoining town, he would 
tell his fellow workmen of 
his prior experience and 
curse what he termed his 
persecution for conscience' 
sake. Whenever his An- 
archist beliefs had been ex- 
pounded, he was promptly 
dismissed, and in one town 
he was politely informed 
that unless he got out in 
short order he was liable 
to find himself hanging to a tree. This sort of thing embittered him still 
more against society, and finally he abandoned all attempts to find work. 
He resolved himself into a tramp, and, in traveling from place to place, 
he sought to convert every other tramp he met to his revolutionary ideas. 

He soon learned that Chicago was regarded all over the country as the 
home of Socialism, its stronghold and citadel, and he made haste to reach 
it so that he too could become an agitator, with nothing to do and plenty to 
eat and drink. He had been in the city only a few days when he learned 
of the Socialistic haunt at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, and there he soon 

From a Photograph. 


made the acquaintance of Lingg and other, lesser lights, whose principal 
aim seemed to be to loaf around the saloons, guzzle beer and talk dynamite. 
This pleased Oppenheimer. He had traveled many weary days, but at 
last he had found what he had so long sought. He was received cautiously 
at first, but finally with open arms. One night he attended a meeting at the 
number given above and heard Engel speak about killing all the police in 
Chicago. Oppenheimer was delighted, and on the adjournment of the 
meeting he grew very enthusiastic, threatening to visit dire punishment on 
both the police and the rich. He stepped out on the sidewalk, and, just 
then encountering a policeman, he ejaculated : 

" You old loafer, you won't live much longer ! " 

The words had hardly been uttered when Oppenheimer found himself 
prostrate in the gutter. The policeman passed on, and not one of Oppen- 
heimer's comrades dared to come to the Anarchist's assistance or proffer 
sympathy. This was a treatment he had not expected, but he smothered 
his wrath and continued to attend all the meetings of the "revolutionary 
groups." He grew stronger every day in the good graces of his comrades, 
and at one of their meetings he was asked, along with others, to secure some 
of the "good stuff" and bombs. He responded and secured a substantial 
outfit. When the 4th of May came he happened for some reason to be 
some eighteen miles out of the city, but the moment he heard of the explo- 
sion he hastened back at once and hunted up his old friends to help them 
destroy the town. 

On the evening of May 7 he was encountered by Officer Loewenstein at 
58 Clybourn Avenue, in Neff's Hall, and taken to the Larrabee Street 
Station. He was put into a cell and kept locked up for about a week. 
Gradually it began to dawn upon his mind that he was in trouble, that pos- 
sibly the police had secured evidence against him, and so at last he sent 
for me. 

" I see," he said, " that it is foolish to fight against law and order, but 
you must excuse me for my actions. I read so much of that Most trash 
and other books that I was really crazy. I lost my reason and did not 
know what I was doing. Now I will tell all I know, but I will not testify 
against any of these people." 

He was given no special assurances, but he unbosomed himself fully 
and became extremely useful in giving needed information. One day he 
said that if I would take him out in a carriage he would show where he 
had a lot of dynamite bombs planted, and added : 

"Before going after the stuff, I will show you some of the worst Anar- 
chists in the city, but in doing so I will tell you candidly my life is in dan- 
ger. If these men see me they will shoot me on the spot." 

He was assured that he would be fixed in such a disguise that no one 
would recognize him, and, consenting to go under such conditions, 


Oppenheimer was rigged out like a veritable darkey. Officers Schuettler 
and Loewenstein were detailed to accompany him, and together they 
visited Sullivan, Connor, Hoyne, Mohawk and Hurlbut Streets, where 
many Anarchists then lived, and where Oppenheimer pointed out the 
houses of many notable conspirators. 

Unfortunately, in one of the localities visited, colored people were very 
scarce, and it did not take the boys long to discover the sham, when they 
at once began shouting, " Here is a lost, crazy nigger," and they followed 
him, throwing bricks and stones. At other times the officers were obliged 
to hustle away with their " Hebrew negro," as they called him, as soon as 
possible. They got back to the station about eleven o'clock that evening, 
and, entering my office, Oppenheimer was permitted to view his ebony 
countenance in a mirror. He was startled by his make-up and declared 
that it was most artistically done. 

" Mein Gott, if I was asleep," he exclaimed, " and wake up, and looked 
in the glass, I'd think I was a real nigger." 

On the next day he was taken by the officers, in a carriage, to Lake 
View, about three miles from the city limits, to locate the bombs. It was 
a rainy day, and it was no easy matter for Oppenheimer to determine the 
right spot, although he kept a sharp look-out. He had planted them 
during the night, and that added to the difficulty. Finally he directed the 
driver to a grove used as picnic grounds, and they soon reached the spot. 
It now rained hard, and lightning and thunder filled the air with light and 
noise. Oppenheimer hesitated about alighting from the carriage. 

"It is dangerous," he said, "to go near the place. The bombs I have 
planted here are all loaded with dynamite, and charged with poisoned iron, 
and this heavy thunder may explode them and kill us all." 

Officer Schuettler said that he himself was familiar with the properties 
of dynamite, and assured him that there would not be the slightest danger. 
Oppenheimer then became somewhat braver. He jumped out and beck- 
oned to his companions to follow. They proceeded to the dancing-platform, 
in the middle of the grove, and Oppenheimer, having removed some short 
boards, making an opening large enough for the admission of a man's body, 
asked Loewenstein to take hold of his legs, and, when he shouted, to pull 
him out, adding that when he had been there before he had had a hard 
time getting out. Oppenheimer then went in. On giving the signal, he 
was pulled out, with one bomb in each hand. He was thus lowered and 
pulled out until he had produced thirteen bombs. They were of the heavy 
gas-pipe make, loaded with dynamite and rusty nails, with cap attachments, 
and ready for use in four seconds. To show that he had exercised great 
care to preserve the "stuff" properly, he asked to be lowered again, and 
this time he brought to the surface an oil-cloth table-cover, which, he ex- 
plained, he had used for wrapping up the bombs so that " they would not 


spoil on him." He also fished out of the place two large navy revolvers 
fully loaded. Having finished, Oppenheimer gave a sigh of relief and re- 
marked : 

" Now I feel relieved. As long as I had these things I always felt that 
I must do some damage with them. I had them once in the city (May 5),. 
and my mind was made up to throw some in the North Side Post-office. I 

also had determined to go to the Freie Presse office and blow up that d d 

Michaelis, the editor of the paper. And then I was going to kill myself." 

At about this time Oppenheimer possessed two large 44-caliber navy 
revolvers and seemed withal a desperate fellow. When the parties returned 
to the station he asked me to keep him there until all trouble was over, and 
for three months he became quite a character about the establishment. 
The defense in the Anarchist trial made several attempts to secure his 
release, but Oppenheimer declined to go. He was taken out frequently for 
regular exercise by one of the officers, but he always went in disguise. 

He proved such a valuable aid to the State that State's Attorney Grin- 
nell ordered his release, but as he was nervous lest some one should shoot 
him on regaining his full liberty, he begged me to send him to New York 
City. He was accordingly furnished with money and clothing and sent away. 
While he was at the station he gained twenty-seven pounds and declared he 
had never been so well taken care of in all his life. He bade all the officers 
who were working up the Anarchist cases good-by and was given safe 
escort to the depot by Officer Stift. Some time after his arrival in New 
York he was discovered by an Anarchist, who telegraphed to Capt. Black 
that he was there if wanted, but the Captain did not seem to specially care 
for him. 

The information he furnished the State was substantially as follows : 

"I came to Chicago May 5, 1886, in the morning. I went to Seliger's 
house, 442 Sedgwick Street. I know Seliger and his wife and Lauis Lingg. 
I am an Anarchist. I think the workingmen are not treated right in this 
country. I have always attended Socialistic meetings here. I have attended 
several meetings where the speakers would call us to arms and to all kinds 
of weapons, so that when the time came we could secure our rights. It 
was urged that we should be prepared to fight any one who would obstruct 
us or oppose our ideas. A meeting was held at Neff's Hall on or about last 
February. A man who lives on the West Side, on Milwaukee Avenue, and 
who keeps a toy store I do not know his name was there. He was 
accompanied by a young lady. Now that you show me this picture 
[Engel's] I will say he is the man, and he made a speech at that meeting. 
He told us to prepare ourselves, and if we were too poor and could not 
afford to buy arms, he could tell us about a weapon that was cheaper and 
better in its effect than arms. He then spoke of dynamite, but in his 
speech he always called it 'stuff.' He explained how to make dynamite 
bombs. He said : ' Take a gas-pipe, cut it in the length of six inches, 
put a woden plug in one end, fill it with dynamite, then plug the other end, 


and drill a small hole through one of the plugs. In this hole put a cap and 
fuse.' Then the bomb was complete. He also told us of a place on the 
West Side, near a bridge, where we could go and steal all the pipe we 
wanted. We could then buy the 'stuff' and make the bombs ourselves. I 
bought seven or eight bombs some time ago from a man named Nusser or 
Nuffer, at 54 West Lake Street. The man used to work for Greif. I paid 
him twenty-five cents apiece for them. They were dynamite bombs, and I 
purchased them at night. I had a little book that told all about making 
and using dynamite bombs. I know something about the armed group. 
They are not known by their names. They are known by numbers, so that 
the police cannot find them out in case they have done anything wrong. 
There never would be any more than three in a job that is, if there were 
any persons to be killed. Number one would find the second man, and this 
second man would find the third. No questions would be asked. The first 
man and the third man are not supposed to know each other. The first and 
third would know the middle man, but in case of trouble, and should there 
be a 'squeal,' only two parties could be given away, leaving one to get 
away and save himself. I have tried some of the dynamite bombs I had, 
and they worked splendidly. I also have a big navy revolver. Everything 
attempted hereafter will be done according to the instructions given in a 
book printed by Herr Most, of New York. Those long gas-pipe shells I see 
before me are like one that was shown me at Neff's Hall last winter. A 
man named Rau had it there and showed it to the boys. I am five years 
in America, and have always been a Socialist. On Wednesday morning, 
May 5, when I heard that there had been a bad blunder committed by our 
boys at the Haymarket, and read an article in the Freie Presse condemning 
us, I got very mad. I took my five dynamite bombs and started out to get 
revenge. My first intentionwas to blow up the North Side Post-office. 
The next place I decided to go to was the Freie Presse office to blow them 
up. If I found I was in danger of being captured, I made up my mind to 
kill myself right there and then. Lingg wanted me to cut a hole in the 
wall in his room to put away a lot of dynamite bombs and dynamite, but 
Mrs. Seliger would not let me do so. A man named Bodendick, a good 
Anarchist, was well known by August Spies, and considered a rank con- 
spirator. This is the man that went to Justice White's house and demanded 
$25, threatening that if he did not get it he would blow up his house. 
White had him arrested and locked up in jail, and for this reason Spies did 
not want the man known as an Anarchist, but simply as a crazy man. The 
Socialists or Anarchists do not care much for Spies or Schwab, but we have 
kept them and looked upon them as a necessary evil. I know a man 
named Pollinger, a saloon-keeper. He was an agent here at one time to 
sell arms, but he did not run things right. He was crooked. The under- 
standing we had was that, in case of a riot or revolution, every man 
should use his own judgment and do as he pleased, that is to say, commit 
murder, shoot people, burn buildings or do that for which he was best 
fitted, so long as it was in the interest of the Anarchistic society. The 
main idea inculcated in the little paper called the Freiheit, which I have 
read, is that no rights could be secured until capitalists were killed and 
houses were laid in ashes. If we would not take a chance on our lives, we 
would be slaves always. I know positively of fifty men, radical Anarchists, 
who stand ready to commit murder and to destroy the city by fire whenever 
they are called on. I know Lingg well. He is a Socialist and an Anar- 


chist and a very radical revolutionist. I heard him speak at 58 Clybourn 
Avenue, and formed my opinion of him. He told me that Seliger was a 
coward. He called me a coward the morning I helped Mrs. Seliger to get 
the guns out of the house. That morning I was in Lingg's room when 
Mrs. Seliger brought in a lot of lead and said to Lingg : 'Here is your 
lead.' Lingg then got mad at her and said : ' You are crazy.' He became 
very much excited, wrapped up his gun, got ready to move, and wanted me 
to conceal his dynamite bombs in the hall. Mrs. Seliger would not let him 
do so. Then Lingg was going to carry his bombs out of the house. He 
finally got into quite a quarrel with her and started out to get a wagon to 
carry away all his things. I told him to hurry up and get all his dynamite 
stuff away, also the printed literature he had, as there was danger that the 
police would be around to search the house. He looked at me and called 

From a Photograph. 

From a Photograph. 

me 'a 

d fool and coward.' Then Lingg asked me to go to the West 
Side with him, as there was to be a meeting at 71 West Lake Street. 
Lingg saw my dynamite bombs. I had told him of them. I saw two 
round lead bombs in his room. I had them in my hands. Lingg told me 
to be careful and not let them drop, as they were loaded and might go off. 
They were dangerous, he said. I also saw four gas-pipe bombs in his room. 
Some of them were not finished. I remember now that Seliger, the Her- 
manns and Hubner were at the meeting in Neff's Hall last winter when 
Engel urged all men who had revolutionary ideas to pay attention and he 
would explain how to make dynamite bombs. I am glad I am arrested. I 
now can realize how near I was to ruin through those d d fellows mak- 
ing revolutionary speeches and exciting the people to commit murder. The 
books given out by Herr Most are doing more harm among those men than 


any one can imagine. I have given you facts, and they are true, every one 
of them. I will swear to them." 

THE next arrest was that of William Seliger. When the police had 
learned that Seliger's residence had been used as a bomb factory, we 
wanted him. He was a man about forty-five years of age, a carpenter by occu- 
pation, a good mechanic, very quiet and sober, but one of the most rabid 
of Anarchists. He had filled various positions in the "groups," and 
always manifested a deep interest in their meetings. He was popular with. 
his comrades and trusted with all their secrets. He lived at No. 442 Sedg- 
wick Street, in a rear building up-stairs. This was a two-story frame 
dwelling, and a great resort for Socialists and Anarchists. Officer Whalen 
had searched the house, finding it a regular dynamite magazine, and, locat- 
ing his man, telephoned to me that Seliger was working at Meyer's mill on 
the North Pier. Officer Stift and Lieut. Larsen were at once detailed, ia 
charge of a patrol wagon, to effect the arrest, and soon the man was pro- 
duced at the station May 7. When I confronted him he stubbornly 
refused, according to the instructions in Most's book, to answer ques- 
tions, but when he discovered the evidence I had against him, he broke 
down and said : 

"Captain, I will tell you all, but for Heaven's sake do not arrest my 
poor wife. I am to blame for all you found in my house, because I kept 
that man Lingg in my house against her will the poor woman ! Hang; 
me, but do not trouble her, for she is innocent, and God is her witness." 

Seliger then unbosomed himself, telling of all his connection with the 
Anarchists since his location in Chicago, and giving valuable information 
on all the "groups," their leaders, their places of meeting, their purposes,, 
their mode of operations, the character of the speeches made at meetings, 
and the manufacture of bombs at his house, giving the names of all calling 
or taking part in their manufacture. He gave the most important points- 
the State had to work on, and every detail he furnished was fully corrobor- 
ated by other parties subsequently arrested. He was in the confidence of 
Lingg, and was also a particeps criminis in the manufacture of the bombs, 
and gave, therefore, no hearsay statements. What was found in his 
house and the character of his information are fully shown in his testi- 
mony, given in a later chapter, as well as that of the officers during the 
memorable trial. 

After telling what he knew, Seliger was released, on the 28th of May, 
with instructions to report every day at the Chicago Avenue Station. 

Mrs. Seliger was also arrested. She was a small woman about 38 years 
of age. She was found at No. 32 Sigel Street on the morning of May 10. 
She readily consented to accompany Officer Schuettler to the station. Mrs. 
Seliger showed plainly that she had not been in sympathy with her husband 
in his revolutionary ideas, and proved a prompt and willing witness, demon- 


strating before she got through that she had done incalculable service to the 
people of the city. 

It was in her house that Lingg made his bombs, and when I questioned 
her she gave me a great deal of information concerning the man and his 
methods. All the statements she made and her testimony in court did not 
vary in the slightest details, even under the most rigid cross-examination. 
She was found to be a very industrious woman, a neat housekeeper, and she 
was highly esteemed by all her neighbors. She related how she had lived 
in misery ever since her husband began to take an active part in the An- 
archist meetings, and she stated that after Lingg came to live in the house 
she had not seen a pleasant hour. She had often remonstrated with her 
husband and pleaded with him not to attend the meetings, or read any of 
the Anarchist papers, but to remain at home with her. 

Seliger was so completely carried away by the doctrines of Johann Most, 
Spies and the others that he refused to listen to his wife. The moment he 
got into trouble, however, he became very penitent and readily accepted her 
advice in everything. 

Mrs. Seliger's experience on the 4th day of May, when she witnessed 
the preparation of the bombs, she described as terrible. There she was 
forced to remain all day, she said, seeing eight men working on the mur- 
derous weapons, some making one kind of bombs, some another, others 
fitting them and loading them with dynamite, and others again putting on 
the caps and fuse. Throughout the whole operation she was obliged to 
listen to their bloodthirsty conversation, how they would blow up the police 
stations, patrol wagons and fire-engine houses, kill all the militia, hurl 
bombs into private residences, and murder every one who opposed them. 

Mrs. Seliger viewed affairs differently and told the conspirators that 
there were more chains than mad dogs. Another thing they overlooked, she 
said, was their own families, and should they carry all their threats into execu- 
tion their families would be made to suffer to the end of their days in misery 
and want. Remonstrances, however, were useless. 

They worked until dark, and then they separated to meet in the evening 
at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue. Her husband and Lingg ate supper, and then 
the two put a lot of the bombs into a satchel and started for the designated 
place. Lingg carried the satchel down stairs and was followed by Seliger. 

This was a trying moment, but Mrs. Seliger proved equal to the emer- 
gency. Just as Seliger reached the third step, she grasped his arm, threw 
her arms about his neck, and, like a loving, devoted wife, asked him for God's 
sake not to become a murderer. 

"If you ever loved me and ever listened to me when I spoke," she 
whispered fervently into his ear, " I want you to listen to me now. I don't 
ask you to stay at home, but I want you to go with that villain and see that 
he does not hurt any one. Restrain him from carrying out his murderous 



ideas. If you do this, I will creep on my knees after you and will be your 
slave all my life." 

These tender words touched a sympathetic chord in the heart of Seliger, 
and he promised to do as she had requested, while she sealed the promise 
with a loving kiss. As subsequent events and his testimony in court proved, 
he faithfully carried out that promise, and by that injunction of his wife and 
that fervid kiss of a true woman, hundreds of lives and millions of property 
were saved. 

From the time they left the house until their return, Seliger never left for 
a moment the side of Lingg. During the evening Lingg was continually 
prompted by his own treacherous heart to throw bombs, now at a passing 
patrol wagon, then at some residence or into a police station, and invariably 
Seliger had some handy reason to proffer why such an attempt would be in- 
opportune at the moment. Lingg finally became suspicious and upbraided 
Seliger for being a coward. The night passed, and the only harm Lingg 
did was indirectly in the explosion of one of his bombs at the Hay- 
market, to the prospective happening of which he frequently alluded during 
the evening. 

It is my deliberate opinion that, had it not been for this intervention of 
Mrs. Seliger, hundreds of people would have been killed, and probably one- 
half of the North Side destroyed, that eventful night. 

After giving considerable information to the police Mrs. Seliger was re- 
leased, but kept under strict surveillance. 

Seliger faithfully carried out his instructions to report at the station 
daily for two weeks, and then he suddenly disappeared. Officer Schuettler 
was detailed to visit his home to ascertain the cause, and was there in- 
formed that Seliger had mysteriously left. 

"Why," inquired Mrs. Seliger, " don't you know where he is; did you 
not arrest him again ? " 

On being answered in the negative, she stated that it had been her in- 
tention to call on me that afternoon with a view to finding out something 
about her husband. 

It looked like a case of concealment, and Mrs. Seliger was therefore 
taken to the Larrabee Street Station. She immediately desired to see me, 
and, when I called, she informed me that three days before her husband 
had said : " I am going away. Don't ask me any questions. You will 
hear from me later," and then bade her good-by. 

She was under the impression that since leaving her he had been at the 
Chicago Avenue Station. I thought it a ruse and subjected her to a severe 
examination. I asked her who had been to see them and whether they had 
not received money from certain lawyers or others. But Mrs. Seliger could 
tell no different story from that she had already given, and she finally vol- 
unteered the guess that possibly her husband had been frightened away. 


"If you will only allow me to go," she earnestly pleaded, "I will neither 
eat, drink nor sleep until I find him." 

I was now satisfied that she was in earnest, and, having confidence in 
her, I ordered her release. But from that moment she was watched night 
and day, more closely than ever. It was found that she visited many houses 
in various parts of the city, and when these places were immediately after- 
wards called upon by the detectives it was ascertained that she had invariably 
inquired for her husband and urged those who knew him to tell him to come 
home if they should happen to meet him ; that she was weary of life, and if 
he remained awaj' much longer she would not be responsible for any act of 
hers on her own life. 

After several days' ineffective search, Mrs. Seliger received a letter from 
her husband asking her to call and see him. She hastened at once, with a 
throbbing heart and a light tread, to my office. I asked her if she would 
work under my instructions, and she promptly consented to do everything 
in her power to help the police. I had come to the conclusion that it would 
be no easy matter to find the slippery Seliger, but that, if he was not discov- 
ered that day, we might at least get on his track. 

Mrs. Seliger was accordingly told to wait in the office a few minutes. 
Two men were sent for, men whom the woman would not know. I instructed 
them to slip through a side door and get a good view of her while unobserved. 
A carriage was then ordered, and the driver directed to take the woman to 
whatever place she might desire, and remain with her even all day and all 
night, if required. Mrs. Seliger stepped into the carriage, and the horses, 
were soon in a sharp trot. But the conveyance was not alone. No sooner 
had it started than the two men I have spoken of jumped into a buggy and 
followed the carriage south, keeping it in good view all the time. 

The first stop made was at a place on West Thirteenth Street. There 
Mrs. Seliger had to identify herself first, and thence she was directed to a 
place some four blocks away. Arriving there, she was sent on to Sixteenth 
Street, and again sent to Twelfth Street, near the limits. She was here sub- 
jected to a great many questions, and after she had fully proven her iden- 
tity she was taken to the next house and led into a dark bed-room, where 
she found her husband. She remained there about three hours, and then, 
under direction of her husband's friends, was told to drive to several other 
places in coder to throw any detectives that might be watching off the scent. 
She did so, but the two men had kept a close watch and were not to be 

When the carriage had started for home, one of the officers returned to 
the place where she had tarried so long. He represented to the occupants 
that he was working for Salomon & Zeisler, attorneys for the imprisoned 
conspirators, to whom Seliger had written a letter, and that in accordance 
with the request they had decided to protect him and his friends. 


"Seliger," said the officer, "is here, and I want to talk with him." 

The occupants admitted that he had been there and had had a talk with 
his wife, but that he was at the time on his way home with her. 

Mr. and Mrs. Seliger called at the station the next afternoon (June 8). 
Both entered smiling, but it was quite apparent that Seliger was very 

" Captain," said Mrs. Seliger, " we are both here." 

" Yes, madam," I replied ; "I am glad you are both here on your own 

"Captain," again spoke Mrs. Seliger, "1 want my husband to testify in 
court against that villain Lingg. He ruined my home. He is the cause of 
the slaughter of all these people He is the cause of the sufferings of the 
women and children whose husbands and fathers attended the Anarchist 
meetings. Now, Captain, you see I have been faithful to my promises. I 
have done as I agreed. You have my husband ; he is in your power. You 
can do with him as you please, buf: for God's sake spare his life." 

Mrs. Seliger had scarcely finished her appeal when she swooned away. 
She had for days been wrought up with intense excitement and haunted 
with terrible forebodings. The climax was reached when she had executed 
her commission, and, trying as had been the situation for nights and days, 
she had courageously borne up in order that she might atone the wrongs 
her husband had committed despite her most earnest entreaties, and to help 
in some way to extricate him, who had so cruelly wronged her, from the 
meshes into which he had madly and ignorantly rushed. Her keen judg- 
ment and innate sense of right had swept aside every consideration of the 
apparent security his concealment might have given him, and her whole 
soul was centered in his delivery to the authorities that he might not eventu- 
ally be found and sent to an ignominious death on the gallows. That was 
her hope, and, much as she longed for his safety, she had bent her whole 
energies to seeing him brought out of concealment and placed where there 
might at least be a chance for his life. The struggle had been intense, and 
it culminated when she so pathetically asked that her husband's life might 
be spared. Her emotions then were at their highest tension, and as she 
recognized the fact that he was now at the complete mercy of the law, 
from which he had sought to escape, she could bear up no longer. 

A physician was immediately sent for, and after applying restoratives it 
was found she was quite a sick woman. A carriage was summoned, and she 
was sent home. 

Seliger was detained at the station until after the trial of the conspira- 
tors. Mrs. Seliger was a frequent caller after that trying day, and remained 
with him much of the time, cheering him and seeking in every way to 
lighten his burden, like a true, devoted and loving wife. In a subsequent 
conversation the circumstances in connection with her visit to her husband 


at his place of concealment were learned. It appears that at first he em- 
phatically declined to accompany her, and then gave his reasons. One day, 
while on his way to report at the station, he was met, he said, by a stranger, 
and threatened that if he ever went near the station again, or sent word ver- 
bally or by note or letter to me, both he and his wife would be murdered in 
cold blood. The threat made a marked impression on his mind. He 
returned home, but made no mention of it to Mrs. Seliger. He knew, he 
said, that the threat was meant, and, thinking to save his wife, he con- 
cluded to act on the warning and place hirrtself in concealment without her 
knowledge. He left, as already stated, and decided to keep under cover to 
await results. 

He called first at the house of a widow named Bertha Neubarth, No. 
1109 Nelson Street, Lake View. This was a small cottage, with a base- 
ment used as a tailor-shop, and, thinking it a secure place, he remained 
there a few days. Then he went to the house of a friend, named Gustav 
Belz, who lived near McCormick's factory, and remained there several 
days. His next move was to a house on West Twelfth Street, near the 
city limits, and there he remained until discovered by his wife. The letter 
he had sent to her was mailed by a trusted friend named Malinwitz, and 
the purpose he had in sending it was to ascertain if matters had changed 
any and if I was angry over his sudden departure. On meeting his wife, 
the first question he asked was as to whether the police had been watching 
their house, and, on being answered in the affirmative, and informed that 
she had even been locked up again, he asked for particulars and the cause 
for her release. 

" Capt. Schaack," she said, "let me out in order to bring you back." 

"I often felt sorry," answered the husband, "for going away, but I will 
never go back." 

His wife insisted that he must go back, and said : 

" I told the Captain that I would come and see you. The Captain said 
that he would give you six hours to return, and that if you did not report to 
his office within that time, he would surely find you and prosecute you for 
murder. Your chances for hanging, he said, were very good, and you need 
look for no mercy at his hands. He also said that he had your picture 
ready, to send out for your arrest on sight, and that it would be useless for 
you to hide or run away. I saw the picture myself, and the Captain intends 
to publish a large reward for your arrest." 

"I believe all you say," said Seliger, struggling with his feelings, "but 
what would you prefer, seeing me shot or killed by assassins, or hung 
by law?" 

"All these cowards making threats," replied the wife, "will be arrested. 
The station-houses on the North Side are now full of the murderers. I 
know the Captain will take care of us, and, if you are arrested, you will 


have no one to help you or do anything for you ; then you are sure to hang. 
You had better come with me to Captain Schaack." 

He consented, and she sent word that they would be at the station the 
next day. Seliger gave himself up, and Mrs. Seliger redeemed her promise. 
The sacrifice, in view of the uncertainties of the time, seemed great, but 
had it not been for the honesty and persistency of that true woman, Seliger 
to-day would lie in an unhonored grave. Both proved strong witnesses at 
the trial, and shortly after his release they left the city. Reports from 
them show that he has been cured of Johann Most's crazy notions. He 
now denounces Anarchy both in America and Germany, in which latter 
country he and his wife were born. He has applied himself to legitimate 
pursuits as a law-abiding citizen, and is prospering. 

Seliger, during his interview with me, recounted his connection with the 
Anarchists as follows : 

"About three years ago I noticed an article in the Arbeiter-Zeitung that 
the North Side group would give lessons to all who desired, in the English 
language. I went to Neff's Hall and I was there told that the school was 
only for members, and that, if I wanted to join, I could do so. I did, and a 
year afterwards I was elected financial secretary. In looking over the 
books, I found that the group had 206 members, the most of them being in 
arrears, but no one ceased to be a member on account of it. I found alsa 
that there was a great deal of wrangling and trouble among the members. 
One faction claimed to be revolutionary, as they were at war with capital. 
This contention drew the lines pretty sharply, and the Socialistic movement 
commenced to take a sharp character. Stellmacher, I believe, was executed 
in Vienna. It was on Monday, if I am not mistaken, in the month of 
August, 1884. My group decided to commemorate the event and glorify 
the man. They had posters printed, and about twenty men went to work 
to post them, especially in the vicinity of the churches. From that day 
they began talking force and dynamite. At every meeting, Stellmacher's 
name was mentioned and his deeds glorified. Some held that Stellmacher 
was simply a burglar and murderer, having burglarized the premises of 
Banker Eifert at Vienna and killed one of his children. Rau and Lange 
were always quarreling over this question. Lange maintained that it was 
a shame that any Socialist, Communist or Anarchist should burglarize and 
murder under a pretext of getting money for the cause. Every member, he 
said, could get enough money in a,n honest way to swell the fund for agita- 
tion and the destruction of capital. Lange said that he was not opposed ta 
the killing of capitalists in the right way, but he did not want to see chil- 
dren killed. Rau would uphold a contrary view. He held that it was all 
the same, capitalist or child, and said that the children of the rich would 
grow up only to learn how to enrich themselves at the expense of the work- 
ing people. Schnaubelt favored murder and thought that it would be best 
for the Anarchists to form into groups of four or five with a view to killing 
any one who would work against the laboring people's agitation. One or 
two suddenly removed would not arouse suspicion. 

"A cigar-maker named Hoffman became a member of the North Side 
group, and he was never satisfied with the rules, as he regarded them too 
lenient. He wanted the whole International Working People's Association 


made an armed body, but Schwab and Hermann opposed it, as they said that 
the Lehr und Wehr Verein filled that part of the bill. Hoffman subse- 
quently withdrew from the group and the military organization. He as well 
as Polling and Hermann wanted the Anarchists to give a commemorative 
entertainment on the anniversary of the Paris Commune, in March, 1885, 
and of the clubbing of the working people of Philadelphia by the police. 
His idea was that rifles should be discharged, and then a woman personat- 
ing the goddess of liberty should throw a chain away from her body. In 
this way the three men believed that the agitation for securing arms could 
be greatly helped. The committee for the celebration of the Commune 
opposed this plan, especially Neebe and Rau. Neebe held that the cele- 
bration of the Commune as generally planned by the committee was for the 
express purpose of making money to help agitation, and the other features 
were not necessary. Hoffman endeavored to carry through his plan, but he 
was knocked out. After some further wrangling he left the group and per- 
manently kept away. At another meeting Rau said that he desired to bring 
dynamite into the meetings and show how it was manufactured, but no 
definite action was taken. 

"At the beginning of last year [1885], a man named Deters declared 
that he was an Anarchist and was very loud in his declarations, but he was 
afterwards expelled for stealing tickets from the Central Labor Union. 
Poch always claimed to be a Communist, and he became unpopular on 
account of a dereliction. Haker was also a Communist, but he was expelled 
on account of being in arrears $3 as a member of the Southwest group. 
Then Lingg became a member, and from that time served as president of 
that group. He was always in hot words with a man named Hartwig. 
During the beginning of April we got quite a number of new members, and 
they all became strong agitators in the cause. I knew as members of the 
armed sections Schlomeker, a carpenter ; Stahlbaum, a carpenter, lieutenant 
of the first company; Petschke, secretary of the same company; Kitgus; 
the Riemer brothers, one a carpenter and the other a painter ; Ted, a car- 
penter ; Rau, Bak, Hirschberger, the Hermann brothers, all members of the 
Lehr und Wehr Verein; the Hageman brothers; the Lehman brothers; 
Messenbrink, a carpenter ; Stak, a tinsmith ; Lauke, Feltes and Kraemer, 
all carpenters, and Siebach and Niendorf, carpenters, living in Lake View. 
With these two exceptions and those of Lenhard and Krueger, who belonged 
to the Northwest group, all I have mentioned lived on the North Side. 
There were also Classner and Sisterer, who belonged to the Southwest 
group. I know a great many others who belonged to the armed forces, but 
J don't recall their names. They all carried revolvers. All I knew about 
bombs at that time was what I heard Lingg say, that the Northwest group 
and the Southwest groups and the Bohemians were well supplied with them. 
Among the Bohemian Socialists I only know Mikolanda and Hrusha and 
three more whose names I can't remember. 

"At a meeting last winter [1885] of the North Side group, Neebe stated 
that it was time that every comrade should supply himself with arms and 
should lay bombs under his pillow at night and sleep over them. Every 
one should practice so as to know how to handle them when necessary. 
Every workingman, he said, who is down on capitalists, should kill every 
one of them, and they should not neglect the police and the militia, because 
they were hired and supported by the capitalists. He said that he himself 
would kill one of these loafers and would not turn an eye on him. One in 


the audience, a barber, whose name I don't know, said that there were some 
among the militia and the police who would join them in case of an uprising 
and cited as an instance that during the riots of 1877 he had spoken to some 
of them and they had told him that they would not shoot at the strikers. 
Neebe declared that it was all the same. 'A man employed by the capi- 
talists,' he said, 'is my enemy, even though he is my brother.' In case of 
an uprising, he said, every revolutionist should use force on every corner 
and on the sidewalks, and should throw dynamite wherever these loafers 
stood or walked. 

"The casting of one bomb Lingg had was made of sheet-iron, and the 
man who manufactured it was shown to me at the office of the Arbeiter- 
Zeitung. Then Lingg had another casting made out of iron, which he had 
made at some iron foundry. I saw him have dynamite twice in a cigar-box. 
Before this he said to me that he had seen Spies at the Arbeiter-Zeitung 
office, and that Spies had told him that he would give him dynamite. This 
was about two months before the 4th of May. Friday preceding that day 
Lingg received a box, 1x2^ feet in dimensions, from the West Side, at the 
hands of a man whom I took to be a Bohemian. Lingg always liked the 
Bohemians. With a view to learning this man's address I walked over to> 
the West Side, and I found that he had moved to No. 661 Blue Island 
Avenue. One evening two others came to see Haker, and Haker told them, 
as I entered, that I was Seliger. One of them I knew, his name being 
Kaiser, a carpenter, and the other was a strongly built man of medium 
height and bow-legged. They were a little embarrassed and said that they 
did not know what to say under the circumstances. I asked them if they 
had bombs, and Haker spoke up and said that he would not say anything; 
about it, even to his brother, as he expected a search would be made of his 
house. But he said they would find nothing, and the other two confirmed 
his story. It was stated that every one should buy a book, which could be 
had at cost price, giving directions about the manufacture of dynamite, 
which could also be purchased very cheap. The North Side group bought 
one of these books. I was so informed by Thielen, who had seen it. 

"A short time after this I was elected a member of the central com- 
mittee, with four other delegates from the North Side group, who were 
Neebe, Ran, Hermann and Hubner, and as long as I was a member Neebe 
and Rau were continued as delegates to that committee. Spies was at the 
head of it. I attended seven of its meetings, and at one of our sessions, 
during the West Side street-car drivers' strike, Spies said that we should 
take part in that strike. In case the strikers should resort to force against 
the company and the policemen who protected it, Spies said that he. had a 
few bombs on hand, and he would distribute some of them to people whom 
he knew. At the same meeting it was proposed that a meeting should be 
held on the lake front the following Sunday, but there was some opposition 
to it. Spies, however, declared that the meeting should be held and that 
every one should be present, well armed. Then, in case the police should 
interfere to disperse the gathering, they should send them home with bloody 
heads. The meeting was held, but there was no interference. Spies also 
proposed that meetings of the committee should be held every evening at 
the Arbeiter-Zeitung office during the strike, to hear grievances, and that, 
whenever necessary, special meetings should be held of the various groups. 
The leaders in the committee were Spies, Rau, Neebe, Hermann, a man 
named Walter, of the American group, and a small man from the Northwest 


group with an illuminated nose, who was a very intimate friend of Spies. 
This man was the founder of the Freiheit group. 

"Just preceding this car strike, Haker, who belonged to Carpenters' 
Union No. i, was a strong advocate of the use of dynamite. At one meet- 
ing he told some of the members to wait till after adjournment, as he ex- 
plained that he desired to show them something very interesting. They 
remained, and he produced a ball of clay, having two parts joined together 
and a cavity in the center. He told them that he manufactured them, and 
if any one desired any they could get them from him at a dollar each. I 
then left. 

" Subsequently I called upon Secretary Lotz and asked for the book of 
membership of the North Side group. I found that Charles Bock was its 
financial secretary ; Hubner, librarian ; and Rau, delegate to the central 
committee, which position he held almost continuously. Abraham Hermann 
was also a delegate and agent for the sale of arms to the whole organiza- 
tion. The principal speakers at our meetings were Schwab, Feltes or 
Veltes, Neebe, Grottkau and (while living in the city) Kraemer. During 
1885 an Austrian, whose name I don't remember, spoke very often, but he 
is now at the Jefferson Insane Asylum. Fischer is one of the founders of 
the North Side group and always spoke most strongly in favor of Anarchy. 
Rau, an employe of the Ar better -Zeitungy Lingg, Schnaubelt and Emil Hoffman, 
the cigar-maker, also spoke frequently. Hoffman claimed that he was a 
great friend of Most and one of the founders of Freiheit of London. He had 
lived in London several years and was an active member until he left our 
organization, as I have already stated. Hermann would sometimes take the 
places of speakers who might happen to be absent from some of the meet- 
ings. Hirschberger, of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, and Menz, a carpenter, born 
in America, generally participated in some of the discussions. 

"A man named Kiesling was a member, and after my liberation from 
the station I was informed by Haker, Kaiser and another man that he had 
helped a member to escape arrest. Commes, or Commens, had shot and 
wounded two Jews, and Kiesling was delegated to take him in an express 
wagon to Lake View, where he turned him over to some members of the 
Southwest Side group, who then assisted him in effecting his escape." 

Seliger then gave a number of names of members who belonged to the 
groups he was most familiar with, as follows: 

" North Side Group. Asher, a mason ; Turban, carpenter ; Huber, car- 
penter ; Heuman, railroad laborer ; Stak, cornice-maker ; Reuter; Habitz- 
reiter, of the Arbeiter-Zeitung ; Kasbe, shoemaker; Menge, carrier of 
Arbeiter-Zeitung ; Hoelscher, carrier of same paper; Jebolinski, carpenter ; 
Behrens, shoemaker. Members no longer with group : Wichman, a saloon- 
keeper, expelled from Berlin, Germany ; Ammer, bookbinder ; the Thiesen 
brothers, One a shoemaker and the other a carpenter, and Polling. 

" Northwest Side Group. Blume, carpenter ; Elias, carpenter ; Fischer, 
Engel, Lehnhard, Breitenfeld. Blume and Elias left because they were 
quarreling all the time with Fischer, and they founded the Karl Marx 

"Southwest Side Group. Scholz ; Fehling,cigarmaker ; Kaiser, carpenter ; 
Haker, carpenter ; Schoening." 


THE next arrest was that of JOHN THIELEN. Thielen was a man about 
37 year of age, born near the city of Coblentz, Germany, a carpenter by oc- 
cupation, and a rabid "red," living in Chicago at No. 509 North Halsted 
Street. He had been an Anarchist in the old country, and there had divided 
his time between talking up the social revolution and running a small 
grocery store, until business had got so dull that he was obliged to sell out. 
He then fell back upon his trade for a living. Much as it went against his 
grain to labor, he had no alternative except to starve. It occurred to him 
that the stronger a Socialist he became the less hard work he would have to 
do, and he accordingly availed himself of every opportunity to talk on his 
pet hobby. At last the officials of Emperor William got after him, and, 
packing up a few things, he emigrated to America, reaching Chicago about 
five years before his arrest. He had been here only a short time when he 
learned that there were a number of men in the city who talked to working- 
men about the shortest way to get rich without 
work", how to have a good time playing cards, 
drinking beer, attending picnics and balls, wear- 
ing good clothes, and smoking good cigars. This 
struck Thielen's fancy, and he concluded that 
at last he had found the place he had longed 
for during many years. He decided to identify 
himself with these men, and accordingly made 
haste to attend all their meetings. It was not 
long before he proved himself as good an An- 
archist as the rest of the leaders. His wife also 
had become imbued with his doctrines, and had 
grown indeed more positive than her husband. 

JOHN THIELEN. They had & sonj ^ years Q f age? a ^ sl j m 

From a Photograph. r i, XT ^i ij ^- r ii i 

fellow. Nothing would satisfy the mother except 

his induction into the order. After the stripling had become a member, 
she was still unsatisfied ; he must join the Sharpshooters. This the boy 
did, and thus he fell in with the most rabid of the Anarchists into the 
very crowd that gathered in secret session at 63 Emma Street on Sunday, 
May 2, at ten o'clock in the morning, to hear Engel unfold his murderous 

The youth was a close listener and an ardent admirer of the leaders. 
He also attended the Haymarket meeting, and went there for a purpose. 
It appears that the order had established, in furtherance of this conspiracy, 
a line of runners, composed of all the young men who were swift and light 
of foot, the object being to furnish means of rapid communication between 
a "commander" and his men. For instance, in the execution of Engel's 
plan, a number of Anarchists had gone to Wicker Park, some to Humboldt 
Park, and others to Garfield Park, on the evening of May 4. Their instruc- 


tions were to stand ready to obey orders, and, on receipt of a signal, to 
advance into the city and shoot down all who opposed them. The "com- 
mander" attended the Haymarket meeting, accompanied by young Thielen, 
and it was his intention, the moment the proper signal was given, to 
despatch the boy on his mission. The boy was then to start on a keen run 
to a certain place, where he was to meet another runner ; the second was to 
take the message to a third, and so on until the men posted at the parks 
were reached. 

Fortunately, however, young Thielen missed his "commander" when the 
bomb fell and the shooting commenced at the Haymarket. The boy then 
lost his courage, like his superior, and applied his speed to getting home 
as fast as possible. 

Young Thielen had been selected because of his supposed coolness. He 
had been a great favorite of Lingg's, and had been in that worthy's room on 
that very afternoon up to 7:30 in the evening. He had even helped to load 
dynamite bombs there. When the work had been completed, Lingg had 
distributed a lot of the dynamite left over to his friends present. Three 
boxes had been given to Thielen and the boy, and the "stuff" was subse- 
quently found buried under their house, together with fire-arms and ammu- 

When trouble finally surrounded the Thielen household, the wife and 
mother showed true grit. On being shown the evidence of their complicity 
in a conspiracy, she neither flinched nor quivered. 

" Our whole family are Anarchists," she defiantly remarked, " and what 
of it ? Try your best, you can't scare me ! " 

The son was ordered by the officers to come with them to the station, and 
as they left the house Mrs. Thielen said to him : 

" I want you to brace up and be firm, as you have been taught by your 
comrades. This is for a good cause. Bear it all like a man." 

The boy was taken to the Larrabee Street Station and put under cross- 
fire. He was decidedly firm at first, but after he had become involved in a 
number of false statements and shown that the police knew a good deal 
about him, he looked at every officer in the station and asked : 

" If I tell all I know and tell the truth, what will you do with me ?' 

He was informed that such a course would be the best for him and that 
it might afford him a chance to get out of his troubles. This satisfied the 
youth, and he gave a long and strong statement, which others subsequently 
corroborated. He then explained that he had been misled into reading all 
sorts of nonsense on Anarchy. He had eagerly studied all books on the 
question, and, being encouraged by his parents, had taken a deep interest 
in all the meetings. He worked whenever he could find employment, but 
at all times his mind was centered in the success of the cause. 

He was detained at the station only a few days, and then released on a 


promise to hold himself subject to the orders of the State and testify when 
called on. But the State did not need his evidence, and soon thereafter I 
secured him employment in a factory. He is still at work and is now prov- 
ing himself an exemplary youth. 

The father proved a rather elusive individual after the police began 
searching for him. But at the time of Mrs. Seliger's arrest he ventured 
too near the Chicago Avenue Station. It was on the morning of May 12 
that a man was noticed in the company of two women. The man remained 
on the outside at a good distance, but the women entered the court-room of 
the station and sat there for some time, watching the prisoners brought 
before the magistrate. The women asked no questions of any one in the 
room, and it was soon discovered that they had no business there. Officer 
Loewenstein approached them and asked if they had come to see Mrs. 
Seliger. One replied that they did not know her. 

" But," interposed the other, with some hesitancy, "is she here?" 

"I can't tell," remarked the officer. "I was going to make some 
inquiries, but as you do not know her, it will save me the trouble." 

" Say, young man," said one of the women, who was getting interested 
as well as curious, " what is your business here ? " 

" Well, madam, I am known here as a ' straw-bailer. ' I go bail for all 
people who pay me well, and I am all O. K. with the police. If you want 
anything done for Mrs. Seliger, you must be very careful here. Don't let 
the police know your object. As you are Germans, I will not charge you 
anything for my trouble, if I can do anything for you." 

" Well, we will talk to you later," they said. " Can we remain here for 
awhile ? " 

" Oh, yes ; I will take care of you so that no one will disturb you," replied 
the officer, in a patronizing tone of voice. " By the way, when I came to 
the station this morning, I saw you standing at the corner talking to a gen- 
tleman with black whiskers, and he is now standing across the street. If he 
is a friend of yours, I will call him in here." 

"Oh, yes," responded the women, " he is our friend and a friend of Mr, 
and Mrs. Seliger. He is a good man." 

" What is his name ? I will call him in at once." 

" His name is John Thielen. He lives at No. 509 North Halsted Street 
and is all right." 

Officer Stift meantime had kept his eye on the individual across the 
street, with instructions not to arrest him so long as he hovered about the 
station, but, in the event of his going away any distance, to take him in 
charge. The man at no time went far from his post ; he was too anxious 
to hear from the women. The moment Officer Loewenstein had secured 
the information about his identity, he posted across the street, and, hailing 
the man, said : 


"John, I think you have been 'ransacking ' around here long enough. 
Come with me ; the boys want to see you." 

" Who are the boys ? " inquired Thielen. 

"Capt. Schaack," answered the officer. 

"I don't want to see him or have anything to do with him." Thielen 
was surprised as well as indignant. 

" Well," said the officer, "he would like to make your acquaintance." 

" You tell him that he don't know me and I don't know him ; so what 
the d 1 does he want ? Good-day, I am going home." 

"You must come in first and give an account of yourself." 

" I am a good man ; I am not afraid." 

He went to the station rather reluctantly, still with an air of innocence 
and bravery. The moment he stepped inside the office, I said to him : 

" John, you are an Anarchist. You are one of the rioters. You were at 
the Haymarket meeting. You knew about the bombs. You are under 

"I am no Anarchist," responded John, rather warmly. "I am a 
carpenter. " 

"Yes," said I, "you are both, and you live at 509 North Halsted Street. 
I have no time now to talk to you. Whenever you want to see me send 
word by the turnkey." 

On the second day, John sent word that he wanted to see me. He was 
taken up into the office, and there he asked what benefit it would be to him 
if he told all he knew. He was informed that we would expect him to tell 
only the truth and not lie about any one or shield any one who was guilty 
of wrong-doing. If he did all this honestly and conscientiously the State 
would, no doubt, reward him for his information. Thielen assented to the 
proposition, but he told very little at this interview. He was brought up 
again the next day, and from the questions put he soon discovered that 
some one had been telling the truth about him. 

"Now I will tell you all I know," he said, "and let it fall where it 
belongs. What I say I will swear to. I see every one is trying to get out. 
First I will tell you what I did myself, and then what the others did." 

He accordingly made a long statement, but as substantially the same 
facts were brought out in the trial by other witnesses, he was never called 
on to testify. Since then Thielen has abandoned Anarchy and is a better 

The statement Thielen made runs as follows, and it will be noticed by 
reference to the trial proceedings that, had he been a witness, he would 
have fully corroborated the testimony given by Seliger and his wife. On 
being shown, at the station, some round lead bombs, he said : 

" I saw Louis Lingg have twenty-two pieces like these in his room. 
They were not all finished. I saw them when they were being cast. They 


were in halves and placed in Louis Lingg's trunk. If that trouble had not 
occurred at McCormick's factory that Monday, they would not have been 
finished yet, but after that trouble with the officers he completed them. 
That is, he loaded them with dynamite, ready to be used. I never knew of 
any one or heard of anybody who could make these bombs except Lingg. 
I had two of these gas-pipe bombs, loaded with dynamite. I got them from 
Lingg, and I threw them away as soon as I got them. There were only a 
few left of these long ones. There were seventeen pieces loaded at Seli- 
ger's house. Bonfield had better look out for himself, as these bombs are 
for the most part made for him, and he will get one yet. He was shooting 
the people during the West Side car strike and at McCormick's. I prom- 
ised to give you the round bombs that I had, but, as I said, I threw them 
away and out of danger. I will tell you, before all these men, that these 
two iron shells now lying before me at this table I got from Lingg at his 
house, No. 442 Sedgwick Street, on May 4, 1886. He gave them to me, 
and I took them along home. They were loaded, and there was a fuse in 
each of them. This was Tuesday night, May 4, 8 o'clock. The very same 
night he also gave me those two cigar-boxes here now before me, filled 
with dynamite. He wanted me to take them and throw them in the alley. 
He said they were empty, but I saw that they were filled. They were too 
heavy to be empty. I took them home myself, together with my boy. We 
buried them under our house. The last time I saw any bombs was at 
Florus' place, where a search was made by the police. I would have given 
up those bombs to you to-night if you had not found them. In these boxes 
is finished dynamite ready to be used. I know Seliger had charge of sell- 
ing arms. We paid $7.00 for a revolver and $10.00 for a gun. I saw 
Lingg and Seiiger at Seliger's house, Tuesday, May 4, at about 8 P.M., and 
9:30 P.M. I saw them together at Larrabee Street. There were twenty- 
two lead bombs that I saw in Lingg's room. They were made on a Sunday 
afternoon. Lingg, Seliger and myself made them. They had been cast 
about two weeks before Tuesday, May 4. I saw in a satchel in Lingg's 
room about fifteen pieces of these long iron shells, on Tuesday, May 4. 
There were alsp some round lead bombs, and they were all loaded. The 
time I was in Lingg's room, May 4, I saw one man take along with him, 
when he left, three round lead bombs loaded with dynamite, and Lingg 
gave those bombs to the man himself. I know the man, and I, John Thie- 
len, will get them from that man and give them to you this evening. After 
what happened at the Haymarket on that Tuesday evening, May 4, you 
could not hear of any one having bombs in their possession. I should 
judge that two men more received from Lingg six round bombs loaded 
with dynamite. In Greif's Hall, 54 West Lake Street, on the evening of 
May 3, at the meeting there, Lingg said to the people present that he would 
furnish the dynamite bombs if any one would throw them. I told him to 
throw the bombs himself. Then I said to Lingg that it would cost a man 
his life to throw them. Lingg replied that no man could see any one throw 
one of them. He said if necessary he would throw some. He also 
stated that if any one would come to him he would show him how to 
make bombs with dynamite. I saw Lingg and Seliger together at Thiir- 
inger Hall Neff's place 58 Clybourn Avenue, on the evening of May 4. 
Lingg had a satchel. The satchel was placed near a little passage-way 
leading to the 'gents' closet.' It was a gray canvas-covered satchel about 
two feet long, one foot wide and one and a half feet high. Seliger, Lingg 


and myself went away together to Clybourn Avenue. We then went up 
on Larrabee Street, at 9:30 P.M. I left Lingg and Seliger at the corner 
of Clybourn Avenue and Larrabee Street. The satchel was brought by 
Lingg to Neff's Hall that night, and any one there could help himself to 
bombs. Lingg said to some people : ' There are bombs in that satchel, and 
now help yourselves. ' These words were spoken in the saloon of Neff's 
place to a crowd of armed men." 

The above confession was given on the i4th of May. On the next day 
Thielen was brought face to face with Lingg with what results the next 
chapter will show. On the i6th of May Thielen supplemented his first 
statement with additional particulars. He said : 

"On Tuesday, May 4, 1886, about 9:30 P.M., myself and old man Leh- 
man were together on the corner of North Avenue and Larrabee Street, 
near the police station, and afterwards we went back to Neff's Hall. Three 
men came into the saloon and said that there had been a terrible explosion 
on the West Side at the Haymarket meeting and that a great many were 
killed and wounded ; that Fielden had made a speech, and a radical one. 
The police came, and a shot was fired. Some one in the crowd said : ' Now, 
do not spare powder or lead. ' A friend of mine got shot through the cheek. 
The man works for Mr. Christal, corner of Lake and State Streets, in a 
basement a carpenter-shop. That man stated that he was there at the 
meeting, standing near the speaker, and about fifteen feet away from where 
the bomb was thrown. The understanding with us when we left Neff's 
Hall on that Tuesday night, May 4, was to make a racket that would 
call out the police. It was a failure because the West Side police did not 
come out any sooner to interfere with the meeting or the mob. The grudge 
we had was the score of the police shooting our men at McCormick's fac- 
tory. We wanted revenge. The order came from the International armed 
men or the group. I was at Greif's Hall, 54 West Lake Street, May 3. I 
there saw a circular calling for revenge. I was at the meeting Monday 
night at Zepf's Hall, and there an order was given for the armed men to go 
to 54 West Lake Street, in the basement. The password to get into that 
meeting was ' Y komme. ' I went there to the meeting. I found George 
Engel there, and he made a speech. The whole plan was then unfolded by 
Engel. He said that there would be a meeting held on Tuesday night, May 
4, at the Haymarket, and that the North Siders should stay on the North 
Side, and there they should wait until it had started meaning the riot on 
the West Side. Engel said that some of those who had arms should come 
to the meeting, and those who had no arms should stay away from the meet- 
ing at the Haymarket. At the meeting in the basement a man by the name of 
Waller was chairman. George Engel did the speaking. There were about 
fifty men present belonging to the armed sections. Engel explained that the 
plan would have to be worked in this way : As soon as they had commenced 
on the West Side, then they should commence on the South Side and the 
North Side. Engel stated that the signal would be a fire which would be 
set, and seen at Wicker Park, and by the noise of the shooting. That would 
be the signal for commencing, and they should all attack the police stations ; 
should throw dynamite bombs into the stations, to either kill or keep the 
officers in the stations, and should shoot the horses on the patrol wagons to 
prevent the police from helping one another. Engel is the man who pro- 


posed this plan. Engel is the only man that gave us any orders. And 
under the orders Engel gave us that night, May 3, in that basement, 54 West 
Lake Street, we started out May 4 on the North Side to do harm that is, 
to shoot and kill anything that opposed us. The word ' Ruhe ' in the 
' Briefkasten ' was adopted at our meeting May 3. It was to be used as a 
signal word. If it should appear the next day in the Arbeiter-Zeitung, then 
every man was to be ready with his arms or guns ; that then the riot would 
commence, and they should watch for the signal. ' Right and fest ' were 
passwords for the armed men should there be any fighting at McCormick's. 
With the signal they should all come out with their bombs and arms, no 
matter whether it happened in the day or in the night. They should attack 
the armed officers of the law and the State militia. All of us armed men 
thought at one time that the police would not fight us, because they were all 
married men, and if they should fight us they would not do it so very hard. 
The plan was to call out a meeting first and have no speakers there. The 
police would then come and drive us away. They then should fire on the 
police. There were a lot of armed people at the meeting, I know. But the 
police did not interfere, so they got speakers at the meeting. Finally the 
police came out, and the mob-did what they had agreed to do. Afterwards 
fault was found, and they said the North Siders were cowards. When Spies 
and others were arrested, the armed men all said that, should anything hap- 
pen to those men, there would be a riot. In reference to the report about 
the shooting of six of our men at McCormick's factory, I will say that what 
I saw and read in that circular calling for revenge made me mad at the offi- 
cers. At that meeting Engel called on us to take revenge on the police 
officers, because they had killed six of our men. There were about seventy- 
five of us, so far as I know, on the North Side, to do the work on Tuesday 
night, May 4, and Lingg was mad because there were no more men coming 
after bombs. At Neff's Hall Tuesday night, May 4, we all looked to Lingg 
as a leader of the North Siders. I know of no one else who could make 
bombs. Some one found fault with Lingg at Neff's Hall on Tuesday night 
because he came so late with his bombs. Then Lingg asked why they had 
not come after the bombs. They all knew, he said, where he lived. Lingg 
was very angry. Schablinsky lives near me, and he got bombs from him. 
There were about nineteen men in the vicinity of the Chicago Avenue Sta- 
tion on the night of May 4, to attack the station when the police should 
come out on the wagons to answer a call from the West Side Haymarket. 
The men, seeing all this, lost their courage because the police, they said, 
passed them so quick, and then they said to one another, * Why should we 
attack and lose our own lives for the sake of others ? ' When the wagon 
was gone, they saw lots of officers coming on foot to the station. Then the 
men went away. The North Siders, the armed men, were to meet in Neff's 
Hall May 4, in the afternoon. I was at Thalia Hall, Northwest Side, where 
the Lehr und Wehr Verein met, on Wednesday, May 5, in the forenoon. 
I saw Fischer, and he said Spies and others had been arrested. I always 
knew that Fischer was one of the leaders in this affair the riot. Fischer 
said the riot was a failure. It was botched, and nothing could be done any 
more. On Tuesday afternoon there was a tall young fellow at Lingg's room 
about six o'clock. He had a smooth face and was about six feet tall. The 
tall man and Lingg were working at the bombs and dynamite. The tall 
man, I think, worked at Brunswick & Balke's factory." 


The foregoing was read to Thielen and its correctness acknowledged 
before Mr. Furthmann, the officers and myself, and his signature is affixed 
to the margin of each sheet of the paper on which it is written. Thielen's 
stepson, William Schubert, confirmed the statement of his father with refer- 
ence to the dynamite bombs and the cigar-boxes filled with dynamite, and 
added : 

"I went under the house and dug a hole in the ground, and father and 
myself put those things in the hole and then covered them up." 

ABOUT the time of Thielen's arrest Officers Hoffman and Schuettler ran 
across FRANZ LORENZ on North Avenue near Sedgwick Street, in the very 
stronghold of Anarchy, and as the man seemed to be suffering from an 
overdose of Anarchy and liquor, they took him to the station. This was 
on the loth of May. He was a German, 48 years of age, and lived with a 
man named Jaeger, at No. 31 Burling Street. He did not seem to be 
known much in Socialist circles, and no one seemed specially interested in 
him. He was locked up at the Larrabee Street Station, and for four days 
he was as stupid as an owl. He would eat and drink very little, but 
managed to sleep every day. On the sixth day he was taken to the Chicago 
Avenue Station and remained there two days longer before he recovered his 
normal condition. When brought into the office, he told me that he had 
been drinking very hard, and, being asked for the reason, he said that he 
had attended many Anarchist meetings, had heard all the speeches and had 
learned that soon they would all have plenty of money. Whenever such 
assurances were given, it always, he said, made him feel so good that he 
would go and get one more drink. Between speeches and drinks, he said, he 
had come near dying. He assured me that if he was released he would go 
right to work and give Anarchy and all meetings a wide berth. On being 
questioned as to his acquaintances, he said he knew "all the boys" the 
leading Anarchists and had admired them warmly. 

"1 heard Lingg speak," said he, "and he is a good one. I tell you he 
is a radical." 

"I suppose," said I, "you took two drinks on his speech?" 

"Yes, I took more than that," replied Lorenz. "The last time I heard 
Lingg speak in Zepf's Hall, I went and got drunk. On May 4, I heard all 
the boys speak on the wagon at the Haymarket, but I did not stay there 
until it was over. I went into a saloon a block away from there and got 
drunk in no time, and when I woke up the next morning I was in bed in 
one of the cheap lodging-houses." 

Not knowing anything definite, he was released by the State's Attorney, 
and he has not since been heard from. He has probably retired to some 
other city to renew his drunks at Anarchist headquarters on the free beer 
usually provided. 


Completing the Case Looking for Lingg The Bomb-maker's Birth 
Was he of Royal Blood? A Romantic Family History Lingg and his Mother 
Captured Correspondence A Desperate and Dangerous Character Lingg Disappears 
A Faint Trail Found Looking for Express Wagon 1999 The Number that Cost 
the Fugitive his Life A Desperado at Bay Schuettler's Death Grapple Lingg in 
the Shackles His Statement at the Station The Transfer to the Jail Lingg's Love 
for Children The Identity of his Sweetheart An Interview with Hubner His 
Confession The Meeting at Neff 's Place 

WITH the information already obtained we had managed to secure a 
pretty clear insight into the diabolical plots of the "revolutionary 
groups. " It was apparent that Chicago had been regarded by Anarchists 
everywhere as the head center of Socialism in America, and that it had been 
decided that here should be the first test of strength in the establishment of 
the new social order. Any reasoning, sentient being ought to have seen the 
utter folly of such an undertaking in the very midst of millions of liberty- 
loving, law-abiding citizens, but these Anarchists, hypnotized as they were 
by the plausible sophisms and the inflammatory writings of unscrupulous 
men bent on notoriety, could view it in no other light than as a grand stride 
towards their goal. As boys are led astray by yellow-covered literature, 
these poor fools were crazed by Anarchistic vaporings. Day or night, 
sleeping or waking, the beauties of the new social order to be inaugurated 
by the revolution were continually before their minds. 

It was clear that such people were capable of desperate deeds, and that 
it was not only necessary to bring to justice the instigators of the massacre, 
but to show their deluded followers the inevitable result of carrying out 
ideas repugnant to our free institutions and inconsistent with common sense 
and right. 

With so many facts before us, we redoubled our efforts to capture every 
dangerous Anarchist leader in the city, and the next one to fall into the toils 
was no less a personage than the bomb-maker, Louis Lingg. 

This notorious Anarchist came to Chicago when about twenty-one years of 
age. He had learned the carpenter's trade in Germany, and when not engaged 
in spreading Anarchy's doctrines, he pursued that calling to liquidate his 
board bills and personal expenses. He was a tall, lithe, well-built, hand- 
some fellow, and, while not of a nervous disposition, his nature was so 
active and aggressive that he never appeared at rest. Sleeping or waking, 
Anarchy and the most effective methods of establishing it were uppermost 
in his thoughts. By reason of his very restlessness it was not difficult to 
trace him in Socialistic circles when on his tours of agitation, and it was 
noticeable, too, that he never remained at any one point for any regular 




length of time. His make-up was a queer combination of nerve, energy 
and push. His mind seemed always weighted with some great burden. 
Perhaps there was a reason for this not alone in his radical beliefs, but in 
his blood and birth. 

Louis Lingg was born in Schwetzingen, Germany, on the gth day of 
September, 1864, and, while his childhood was spent pleasantly enough, a 
cloud gradually gathered which overshadowed his life and embittered him 
against society. His mother, at the age of eighteen or twenty, had worked 
as a servant, and, possessing a very handsome face, a shapely figure and 
attractive manners, had caught the eye of a Hessian soldier in the dragoons. 
This man was young, dashing and handsome, and mutual admiration soon 
ripened into undue intimacy. 
One day the soldier left town 
on short notice whether 
because of military orders 
or through his own inclina- 
tion is not known. It is cer- 
tain, however, that she never 
heard of him from that day, 
and that a son was born to 
her out of wedlock. That 
son was Louis Lingg. The 
name of that dragoon has 
never been made public, but 
it is believed with reason 
that Lingg was born of royal 

Several years after her 
escapade the mother wed- 
ded a lumber-worker named 
Link. Louis was then four LOU is LINGG, THE BOMB-MAKER. 

years old. When young From a Photograph taken by the Police. 

Lingg had arrived at the age of twelve, his foster-father, while engaged in 
his occupation of floating logs down the river Main, contracted heart disease, 
through over-exposure, and died. The widow was left in poor circum- 
stances, and she was obliged to do washing and ironing in order to support 
herself and family, a daughter named Elise having been born since her 

Louis, in the course of years, grew strong, robust and muscular. He 
had received a fair education, and, desiring to relieve his mother's burdens 
as much as possible, he learned the carpenter's trade under the tutelage of 
a man named Louis Wuermell in Mannheim. He remained there until 
May 13, 1879, and then, quitting his apprenticeship, proceeded to Kehl, on 


the Rhine. There he found employment with a man named Schmidt until 
the fall of 1882. He next went to Freiburg, in the Grand Duchy of Baden, 
where he worked for several contractors. At this place he began to change 
his employment frequently, and his mother, learning of it, wrote several let- 
ters, in which she advised him against such a course and admonished him 
to become a good man, to save his money and keep out of bad company, so 
that he might become useful to himself and to society and make her proud 
of him. But the son did not heed this motherly advice. He fell in with 
free-thinkers who were set against religion in particular and against society 
in general, and soon began reading and absorbing Socialistic literature. It 
was not long before he became an avowed Socialist, attending Socialistic 
meetings and eagerly listening to all the speeches. 

Finally young Lingg grew weary of Baden and wandered to the repub- 
lic of Switzerland. Here he 
spent the fall of 1883 at Lu- 
zerne, working at his trade 
with a man named Rickley, 
but his roving nature soon 
brought him to Zurich. 

It was there that he met 
the famous Anarchist Reins- 
dorf, and for this man he 
speedily formed a warm at- 
tachment. While in Zurich 
Lingg also affiliated with a 
German Socialistic society 
called "Eintracht," and 
threw his whole soul into the 
cause. After a time he turned up at Aarau, but here he was unable 
to find employment and had to write home for assistance. The mother 
loved her son dearly, despite his wanderings, and he did not appeal to 
her in vain. She wrote him enclosing a small sum of money to help him 
bridge over his idleness, and at the same time informed him that she had 
again married (August 6, 1884), her second husband's name being Christian 
Gaddum. This man had been a neighbor of the family at Mannheim 
for years. In writing to her son, Mrs. Link indicated that the marriage 
was not prompted by love or admiration, but came about on account 
of her feeble health and her desire to secure support for herself and her 
daughter. Louis' mother had frequently expressed a wish that he visit 
home, but, as the boy had now reached the age for military service under 
the German Government, he concluded to remain away, and in casting 
about for a permanent location he decided to emigrate to America. He 
presented the matter to his mother. At first she opposed it, but finally 

From a Photograph. 


gave her consent. With what money he secured from his mother and from 
his friends, he proceeded to Havre, France, in June, 1885, and boarded a 
steamer for the United States. 

After the wayward boy had left home, he and his mother corresponded 
regularly. She always expressed deep solicitude for his welfare, and when 
he was in financial distress she would write him : " Dear Louis, I will 
share with you as long as I have a bite in the house." All her letters 
breathed encouragement ; she sent money frequently, although at times in 
need herself, and concluded invariably by giving good counsel and urging 
Louis to write her soon and often. When Lingg had arrived in the United 
States the fond mother wrote him that she would soon be able to send him 
money enough to come home on a visit. 

That Lingg had great love and affection for his mother is evidenced by 


Found in the secret bottom of Lingg's Trunk. 
From a Photograph. 

the fact that he had carefully preserved all her letters from the time of his 
leaving home until he died a suicide's death. From these letters it appears 
also that Lingg had several lady admirers at home. 

There were many expressions, such as "kindest regards" or " heartiest 
respects," conveyed to him by his mother on behalf of this or that lady 
friend. Another fact made apparent by the letters was that there was some 
great burden on his mind. It would seem that he had plied his mother with 
many questions respecting his birth. That seemed a dark spot in his life. 
He wanted a solution as well as satisfaction. This worried the mother, 
but she always managed to give him some consolation, saying she " would 
guard against everything " and have " all things set right." In one of her 
letters occurs the following : 

As regards your birth, it grieves me that you mention it. While you did not know it 
before, I will now say that you were born in Schwetzingen on the gth day of September, 
1864, at your grandfather's house, and baptized. Where your father is I don't know. My 


father did not want me to marry him because he did not desire me to follow him into Hessia, and 
as he had no real estate he could not marry me in Schwetzingen according to our laws. He 
left and went, I do not know where. If you want a certificate of birth you can get it at 
Schwetzingen any time. If you make a proper presentation everything will be all right, but 
don't hold on six months. 

The original of the above, which is in German and which was found in 
Lingg's trunk, had no signature. Another letter regarding his paternity 
reads as follows, showing that Lingg's mind had been sorely distressed over 
the matter : 

MANNHEIM, June 29, 1884. 

Dear Louis: You must have waited a long time for an answer. John said to Elise 
that I had not yet replied to your last letter. The officials of the court you cannot push. 
For my part I would have been better pleased if they had hurried up, because it would have 
saved you a great deal of time. But now I am glad that it has finally been accomplished. 
After a great deal of toil, I put myself out to go to Schwetzingen and see about the certifi- 
cate of your birth. I know you will be glad and satisfied to learn that you carry the name 
of Lingg. This is better than to have children with two different names. He had you 
entered as a legitimate child before we. got married. I think this was the best course, so 
that you will not worry and reproach me. Such a certificate of birth is no disgrace, and you 
can show it. I felt offended that you took no notice of the "confirmation." Elise had 
everything nice. Her only wish was to receive some small token from Louis, which would 
have pleased her more than anything else. When she came from church, the first thing she 
asked for was as to a letter or card from you, but we had to be contented with the thought 
that perhaps you did not think of us. Now it is all past. ... I was very much troubled 
that it has taken so long [to procure certificate] , but I could not help it. I have kept my 
promise, and you cannot reproach me. Everything is all right, and we are all well and 
working. I hope to hear the same from you. It would not be so bad if you wrote 
oftener. I have had to do a great many things for you the last eighteen years, but with a 
mother you can do as you please neglect her and never answer her letters. 

The certificate sent him reads as follows : 


Ludwig Link, legitimate son of Philipp Friedrich Link and of Regina Von Hoefler, was 
born at Schwetzingen, on the ninth (gth) day of September, 1864. This is certified accord- 
ing to the records of the Evangelical Congregation of Schwetzingen. 

SCHWETZJNGEN, May 24, 1884. [SEAL.] County Court : CLURICHT. 

To the letter of Mrs. Link, given above, no signature appears, but 
that is not strange. What seems more singular is that. whenever her letters 
were signed, they closed with simply "Your Mother." Another thing 
appears from the above, and that is that at home Louis' name was Link. 
Other documents, some of them legal, also found in his trunk, show that his 
name was formerly written Link. His name must have been changed 
shortly before leaving Europe or just after reaching the United States. 

It would seem that, with such a certificate, Lingg would have been 
measurably happy, but the fact of his illegitimacy, despite court records, 
rankled in his blood. The thought of it haunted him continually, and no 
doubt it helped to make him in religion a free-thinker, in theory a free- 
lover, and in practice an implacable enemy of existing society. His moth- 



or nine months before the 
time he succeeded in 
Anarchist circles. No 
when Socialism had 

tached himself was 

er's letters showed that she wished him to be a good man, and it was no 
fault of her early training that he subsequently became an Anarchist. She 
still lives at the old place, and when Lieut. Baus, of the Chicago police 
force, was on a visit to Mannheim, some time ago, he called on her and 
found her very pleasant and affable in her manner, with a strong, robust 
constitution, and still a good-looking woman. 

No sooner had Lingg reached Chicago than he looked up the haunts of 
Socialists and Anarchists. He made their acquaintance, learned the 
strength of the order in the city as well as in the United States, and was 
highly gratified. At that time the organization was not only strong in 
numbers, but it fairly "smelt to heaven" in its rankness of doctrine. 

Lingg was not required to look around very hard for the haunts of Anar- 
chy, for a blind man could plainly see, A. feel and smell the disease in 
the air. Lingg arrived here only eight 
eventful 4th of May, but in that short 
making himself the most popular man in 
one had created such a furore since 1872, 
its inception in the city. 

The first organization to which Lingg at- 
the International Carpenters' Union No. i. 
Every member of this society was a rabid An- 
archist. All of them had supplied themselves 
with arms, and a majority of them drilled in 
military tactics. Lingg had not been connected 
with the organization long before he became a 
recognized leader and made speeches that en- 
thused them all. While young in years, they 
recognized in him a worthy leader, and the 
fact that he had sat at the very feet of 
Reinsdorf as a pupil elevated him in their 
estimation. This distinction, added to his 
personal magnetism, made him the subject 
for praise and comment, which pleased his vanity and spurred his am- 

Men longer in the service and more familiar with the local and general 
phases of Anarchy at times reluctantly yielded to him where points of 
policy were at stake. No committee was regarded as complete without 
him, and this brought him in contact with August Spies and Albert Par- 
sons. He was often at the office of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, which was the 
headquarters of the governing body, with reports and suggestions, and by 
his admirable tact soon won their esteem and good graces. He there also 
made the acquaintance of Fielden, Fischer, Schnaubelt, Rau, Neebe, 
Schwab, and of some of the more noted women in the Anarchist movement. 

Found in Lingg's room, ready for use. 



He was frequently complimented for his work and became quite a favorite 
with the ladies. 

When Lingg first became actively identified with the party of assassi- 
nation and annihilation here, he was cautious and secretive. He knew 
that secrecy in the old country was not only essential to success, but abso- 
lutely requisite for self-preservation. He supposed that the same sort of 
tactics prevailed here, but when he saw how bold, aggressive and open 
were the utterances of the Anarchists in Chicago and elsewhere, he came to 
believe that the government and the municipal administration existed 
simply through their sufferance. At first, whenever Lingg was doubtful on 
any point, he would seek knowledge and inspiration from Spies, and it was 

through Spies 
ment in the 
Lingg implicit- 
looked, as he 
published in 
rect. While not 
printed in that 
and million- 
p e n d o u 
such lies 

that he gained his information of the move- 
United States. They became firm friends, and 
ly believed everything Spies told him, and 
informed the police officers, upon every line 
the' Arbeiter-Zeitung as absolutely true and cor- 
able to read English, he regarded all papers 
language, as well as in the German, not of the 
faith, as published for the benefit of capitalists 
aires. They were all, in his estimation, stu- 
frauds, and existed simply because they printed 
pleased the rich and those in power. Being a 
man of sincere convictions and 
earnest zeal, Lingg won the 
confidence of his confreres and 
always knew just what was 
going to be done and how it 
was to be accomplished. He 
was a faithful ally and was 
invariably counted upon to 
take a leading part in all the 
movements of the reds. How 
he was regarded by his fel- 
lows in this respect is shown in the fact that to him was intrusted the task 
of organizing the people of the Southwest Side and directing their plans 
against the McCormick factory. 

His communications, which I have given in a prior chapter, to the 
Bohemians and others in that locality, show that he was bent on riot and 
destruction, and in that mad and frenzied movement he had the hearty 
cooperation of the colleagues who had with him concocted it at the office 
of the Arbeiter-Zeitung. They alone knew of it, and worked out the details 
at a meeting held near the factory on the 3d of May. Lingg, being braver 


From Photographs. 

The long bomb in center weighs five Ibs., and was thrown 
at a patrol wagon on Blue Island Avenue, but failed to explode. 
The round bombs were lined on the inside with a coating of 
cement saturated with a deadly poison. 



and more daring than the other leaders, was the chosen instrument to 
inspire the men to an attack upon the works, and he subsequently claimed 
that he had been clubbed by the police during the affray. 

During the turbulent and momentous days preceding May 4, Lingg's 
comrades saddled upon him a great responsibility, but he never flinched. 
On the contrary, he proved the mettle of his make-up, not only volun- 
teering to carry out certain ends he himself outlined, but cheerfully assum- 
ing every task imposed upon him and always willing to take all responsi- 
bility for the consequences. He was found on the North Side actively 
engaged in calling Anarchists to arms, on the Southwest Side endeavor- 
ing to form a compact body of fighters in view of the near approach of 
May i ; he was busy at Seliger's house constructing bombs, and at 
meetings giving instructions how to make infernal machines. His work 
was never finished, and never neglected. At one time he taught his 
followers how to handle the 
bombs so that they would 
not explode in their hands, 
and showed the time and 
distance for throwing the 
missiles with deadly effect; 
at another he drilled those 
who were to do the throw- 
ing, instructing them how 
to surround themselves with 
friends so that detection by 
an enemy would be impos- 

All these things kept 
him busy, but his whole 
soul was in the work. He 
was not alone a bomb-maker ; he also constituted himself an agent to sell 
arms. He sold a great many large revolvers and rifles. This is shown 
by a note found in his trunk, addressed to Abraham Hermann. It reads as 
follows : 

Friend: I sold three revolvers during the last two days, and I will sell three more to-day 
(Wednesday). I sell them from $6.00 to $7.80 apiece. 

Respectfully and best regards, L. LINGG. 

At this time Hermann was the general agent in this city for buying and 
selling arms to the Anarchists. Engel had been an agent at one time, but 
the men claimed that he had fleeced them, and he was dropped. 

Lingg thus proved himself a very useful man to the order. He could 
make an effective speech ; he was a good organizer ; he could make bombs 
with dynamite whose power had been enhanced manifold through his skill ; 

Found in Lingg's Room. From a Photograph. 



he would carry handbills, and he would do anything to help along the cause. 
In truth, he was the shiftiest as well as the most dangerous Anarchist in 
all Chicago. 

Having been a pupil of Reinsdorf, Lingg was an opponent of all peace- 
able agitation. He believed in organizing armed forces and conquering 
everything by main force. He had no love at all for those who talked 
peaceable agitation ; he called them fools and cranks. Of this class were 
the old-time Socialists, and he looked upon them with haughty disdain. 
He found better material to work on for helping him in the revolution he 
proposed, and, although he molded many an Anarchist out of the softer clay 
of humanity, still he was not satisfied, but complained continually that 
they iid not move fast enough, did not take hold with celerity and failed to 
develop such heroic qualities as h^ wished to see. The restless spirit 
within him, his implacable hatred of society, tinged with the bitterness of 
his doubtful birth, t,- d his strong impulses manifested themselves in all his 

acts and utterances. An illustration of these 
traits is the impatience he exhibited over the 
failure of trusted men to come early to the house 
of Seliger to secure bombs on the evening of 
May 4, and his departure with the bombs to 
Neff's Hall to have them speedily distributed. 
Another example is found in the bitter reproaches 
he heaped on those who had failed to carry out 
their part after the inauguration of the Hay- 
market rict. His hopes, his ambitions, had been 
set on the successful consummation of that plot. 
It was to have overthrown all government and 
all law, which he declared were good enough for 
old women to prevent them from quarreling, but needless for men of intel- 
ligence and independence. 

For four weeks prior to the 4th of May he was out of work, but he was 
by no means idle. He worked early and late attending meetings and mak- 
ing bombs, so that, the moment the signal for the general revolution was 
given, every member of the armed sections might be supplied with the 
destructive agent. He wanted the whole city blown up, every capitalist 
wiped off the face of the earth ; and he and his trusted comrades, Sunday 
after Sunday, in anticipation of the uprising, practiced in the suburbs with 
rifles and 44-caliber revolvers. Lingg became the most expert of them all 
and was looked upon by his associates as a crack shot. 

Lingg's money and time were freely given to the purchase of arms and 
to the manufacture of dynamite bombs. His room at Seliger's became a 
veritable arsenal, and, the more deadly "stuff" he brought into the house, 
the more pleased he became, and the more bitter grew the enmity of Mrs. 

Found in Lingg's Room. 



Seliger toward him. How careful and elaborate were his preparations for 
the coming day is not only shown by the deadly implements found in his 
room, but is evidenced in the statements of his trusted lieutenants. These 
statements made to me by men anxious to save themselves, prostrate 
suppliants for mercy, whose every material revelation was corroborative 
of the others, although given independently and under different circum- 
stances and without knowledge of what others had said unmistakably 
pointed to a most gigantic conspiracy. Read any of these statements, and 
no doubt can exist that, had it not been for the hand of Providence on the 
night of May 4, thousands of people would have been killed and vast dis- 
tricts of the city laid waste. Lingg expected it as certainly as he believed 
in his own existence at the time, and his intimate comrades bent all their 
energy in the direction of carrying out the villainous plot. 

But "the best laid plans of mice and men gang aft agley," and the 
Haymarket riot proved a most bitter disappointment. Lingg was fairly 
beside himself with chagrin 
and mortification. The one 
consuming desire of his life 
had utterly and signally 
failed of realization. He 
clearly foresaw dire trouble 
in consequence of the at- 
tempt, and his mind was 
bewildered with perplexi- 
ties as to his future move- 
ments. On the night of May 
4, about 11:30 o'clock, when the full truth of the failure of the riot had 
flashed upon him, he stood in front of No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, not knowing 
exactly whither to turn for refuge from possible arrest, and, while in this 
dilemma, he broached the subject to Seliger, finally asking to be permitted 
to remain at the house over night until next morning, when he promised he 
would move away. He was without a cent in his pocket, having squan- 
dered all his money in the manufacture of bombs, confident of plenty when 
he and his fellows had secured control of the city. Seliger, knowing his 
condition, finally consented. 

The next morning came, but Lingg manifested no disposition to carry 
out his promise 

" I would move from here now," said he, very adroitly, "but if I do so it 
would create suspicion." 

Seliger saw the force of the argument, and, being implicated also in the 
manufacture of bombs, shrewdly concluded to let him remain until matters 
quieted down. Lingg accordingly remained until the yth of May. On this 
date officers began to appear in the vicinity, looking into the haunts and 

Found in Lingg's Dinner-Box. From a Photograph. 


resorts of Anarchists. This startled Lingg, and, lest they might pounce 
down upon his room, he decided to speedily vacate the premises. He did 
move, but with such haste that he left his implements of destruction and 
nearly all his personal effects behind him. When the house was finally 
searched the " bird had flown." 

I sent out eight good detectives, and kept them working night and day 
looking for the bomb-maker, but no one could furnish a clue. It was 
learned that Lingg had a sweetheart, and her movements were closely 
watched. The houses of his known friends were also watched, and all his 
acquaintances shadowed. Anarchists who had hopes of saving their own 
necks if he could be found were pressed into the service, and decoy letters 
were sent out. Money was even held out as an inducement to divulge his 
hiding-place, but all to no purpose. 

These expedients were kept up until the i3th of May, when I sent for 
Mrs. Seliger to ascertain where Lingg had last been employed and secure 
the addresses of all his friends. Nearly all the places she mentioned had 
been visited, but she spoke of one place that seemed to me to hold out 
some promise of a successful result. Mrs. Seliger stated that there was a 
place near the river, where there was a bridge that she had beard spoken 
of, and that Lingg had said to her husband that he would call on a friend 
of his near that place, on Canal Street. This place I at once recognized 
as being only a few blocks from the shop where Lingg had worked. Mrs. 
Seliger further stated that her husband had told her that this shop was only 
a few blocks from a Catholic church. All this I regarded as a good clue, 
and Officers Loewenstein and Schuettler were promptly detailed to follow it 
up first going, however, to a planing-mill on Twelfth and South Clark 
Streets to ascertain if Lingg had ever worked there. 

The officers carried out these instructions, and a few hours later they 
returned to the office, their faces wreathed in smiles. They informed me 
that they had secured a clue, that only a few days before Lingg had sent 
there for his tool chest, and that they had learned of a man who had noticed 
the number of the express wagon that had carted it away. But this man, 
they said, they would be unable to see until the next day. 

Bright and early the next morning the officers started out with new 
instructions and visited the house of the person who had so singularly taken 
note of the express number. They found him, and he gave them all the 
information he possessed. About eleven o'clock the officers found the resi- 
dence of the expressman, whose name was Charles Keperson and whose 
wagon was numbered 1,999. He lived at No. 1095 Robey Street. The 
officers rapped on the door, and a little girl about ten years of age answered. 
On being asked after her father she informed them that he was not at home. 
They inquired if her father had not brought in a trunk. She replied that 
her father had brought no trunk into their house, but he had hauled a tool 


chest from down town, which he had taken to a house on an adjoining 
street. She pointed out a little cottage at No. 80 Ambrose Street, and on 
being asked if she had seen her father take it there she answered : 

"Oh, yes, it was a gray-colored box, and I heard my father say it 
belonged to Louis Lingg." 

The officers went over to the cottage and learned that a family named 
Klein lived there. Schuettler knocked on the door, and Mrs. Klein responded. 
He asked if Louis was at home. She replied that he was not and that he 
had gone out with some gentlemen about nine o'clock. She inquired what 
he desired to see Louis for, and Schuettler told her that he owed Louis $3 
and had come to pay him. He further informed her that they were good 
friends, both carpenters, and belonged to the same union. She inquired 
after his name, and Schuettler responded that it was "Franz Lorenz. " 
Lorenz was a well known Anarchist, and it was thought the name would 
prove effective in winning the woman's confidence. She said that her 
father lived only a short distance from the house, and she would step over 
and ask him if he knew where Louis had gone. This conversation had 
taken place in a rear 
room of the house. The 
woman excused herself, 

and ostensibly started J3UOK"W - :^r LINGG'S REVOLVER. 

for the house of her 

father. She passed into jS[ X^as^ Cocked as found when wrested from 

,1 r j , f X' Lingg's hands after the struggle with Officer Schuettler. 

the front room and slam- J|j 

i , i i Si From a Photograph. 

med the outer door. I^s^lH 

Loewenstein stepped out of the back room to see if she had really gone, 
but he saw no Mrs. Klein. At the same time he noticed Lingg's chest 
standing on the rear porch, covered with a piece of carpet. Loewenstein 
returned, and he had hardly joined Schuettler when Mrs. Klein stepped in. 
She said she had seen her father, but that he did not know where Louis 
had gone. The officers were suspicious, of course, but they said nothing, 
simply withdrawing with the assurance that they would call again and see 
Lingg some other time. 

After leaving, the officers walked for two blocks and talked over the mys- 
terious actions of Mrs. Klein. They concluded to go back and search the 
house. They secured entrance from the rear, and, while Loewenstein 
guarded the front door, Schuettler entered the rear room. There he found 
a man smoothly shaven. Lingg had been described as having chin whis- 
kers. Schuettler stepped up to the man, however, and asked his name. 
In an instant Lingg for it was none other whipped out a 44-caliber 
revolver, which he had had concealed in front inside his trousers, and, with 
the glare of a tiger held at bay, he turned on the officer. Schuettler saw the 
movement, and, quick as a flash, sprang on Lingg and seized the weapon. 


They clinched, and while the one was struggling to save himself and secure 
his prisoner, the other was bent upon killing the officer and effecting his own 
escape. Both were strong, muscular and active, and the cottage shook 
from foundation to rafters as the bodies of the contestants swayed in the 
equal contest. Lingg quivered with rage and aroused himself to his utmost 
to vanquish the foe. He realized that the result meant life or death. At 
one moment his revolver was pressed close to the officer's breast, and with 
a superhuman effort the Anarchist tried to send a bullet on its fatal mission. 
But Schuettler had a firm grasp of the cylinder and wrenched the weapon 
aside. In another second, while the mastery was still undecided, Lingg, by 
a quick movement of his hand, brought the revolver square into the officer's 
face. At that moment, however, Schuettler managed to get Lingg's thumb 
between his teeth. The Anarchist made a sudden dash to release his thumb 
and succeeded in breaking loose. 

All this took place in less time than it takes to tell it. The moment 
Lingg was foot-loose, Schuettler found time to shout for his companion, 
who had stood on the outside in front of the house, all unconscious of the 
short but desperate struggle within. Loewenstein did not stop a moment 
to determine what was wanted, but sprang into the room. He entered just 
at the moment when Schuettler had bounded after Lingg on his release and 
found him holding Lingg tightly by the throat with one hand and the 
revolver with the other. Loewenstein saw the situation at a glance, and, 
raising his loaded cane, brought it down on the Anarchist's head. This 
stunned Lingg, and he was overpowered. The revolver was wrenched from 
his hand and placed on a table, and the officers adjusted the handcuffs. 
These had no sooner been placed in position than Lingg made a sudden 
dash for his revolver. But the detectives were too quick for him. 

Lingg's teeth gnashed with rage, and his eyes fairly bulged from their 
sockets with savage scorn. The arch-Anarchist looked the picture of des- 
peration. He had been vanquished, however, and he saw that further 
resistance was useless. 

Mrs. Klein had meanwhile been an excited spectator, but before she 
could collect her thoughts and decide what course to take under the circum- 
stances, Lingg was in the power of the law. Seeing this, she hurried out. 
It was not long before the whole neighborhood heard of what had happened, 
and, as the officers started to take their prisoner to the Hinman Street Sta- 
tion, a true-hearted Irish-American came up, accosted them and said : 

" My dear boys, your lives are in danger here. Nearly every one who 
lives about here is an Anarchist. Wait for a minute, and I will give you 

He disappeared, but meanwhile the street had become crowded with an 
excited populace. He soon returned with a double-barreled shot-gun, ready 
for action in case of emergency. No sooner had he placed himself at the 



disposal of the officers than a loyal Bohemian-American came running 
across the street, and said : 

"Officers, I will also protect you against this mob." 

He had in his hand a large navy revolver, and he showed that he was 
ready to assist the officers, even at the cost of his own life. 

Schuettler and Loewenstein, under this volunteer escort, marched Lingg 
to the Hinman Street Station, reaching there about twelve o'clock. Ser- 
geant Enwright was in charge of the station that day, and, lest any attempt 
at rescue might be made, he called in all his officers and gave them 
instructions as to what should be done to protect the station. He also 
ordered out the patrol wagon, and detailed five officers to accompany 
Schuettler and Loewenstein to the Klein residence to investigate the prem- 
ises. They made a thorough search, but could discover nothing except a 
lot of cartridges. They also investigated the houses at Nos. 64, 66, 68 and 
70 on the same street, all occupied by Anarchists, but they found nothing. 
The presence of the police, however, speedily cleared the street, and all the 
low-browed, shaggy-haired followers of the red flag hunted their holes. 
Schuettler and Loewenstein then sent for the Chicago Avenue patrol wagon 
and transferred Lingg to new quarters at that station. On the way Lingg con- 
tinually ground his teeth, and, looking savagely at Schuettler and turning 
slightly towards Loewenstein, hissed out : 

" If I had only got half a chance at that fellow, he would be a dead man 
now. " 

The officers of the Hinman Street Station did not relax their vigilance 
over Ambrose Street, and one day some molds made of clay were found in 
the alley in the rear of the Klein residence, proving that Lingg had not 
abandoned hope, but was getting ready to prepare a new supply of bombs 
for a future attack. 

When Lingg had been ushered into the office of the East Chicago Avenue 
Station, the shackles were removed from his wrists, and he was given a 
chair. He became quiet in his new surroundings, and grudgingly answered 
a few simple questions. His thumb giving him considerable pain, some 
liniment was procured from a neighboring drug store, and the wound dressed. 
He was then assigned to an apartment below, and left to his own thoughts. 

In the afternoon he was brought up to the office. 

"What is your name?" I asked him. 

" Lingg," curtly replied the prisoner. 

' ' Ah, yes ; but how do you spell it ? " 

"L-i-n-gg," came the spelling. 

"Yes ; but give us your full name." 

" It is Louis or Ludwig Lingg. I am twenty-one years and eight 
months old." 

He was asked a great many questions. Some he refused to answer, and 


others he answered promptly and with pleasure, especially when they 
touched on killing capitalists and capitalistic editors, as he called them. He 
had no use, he said, for these people, and thought that if they could be 
taken away suddenly the world would be satisfied and happy. He remarked 
that he did not blame the police very much, because they were workingmen 
themselves, but there v/as one officer, he said, that he perfectly despised. 
It was John Bonfield. If he could have blown him to atoms, he thought, 
he might become reconciled to a great many things as they then existed. 
He finally gave to me and to Assistant State's Attorney Furthmann, in the 
presence of Officers Stift, Rehm, Loewenstein, Schuettler and Hoffman, a 
brief account of himself and his movements, but he said that he would 
rather die than give information against any one. He did not deny 
what others had stated about him, but further he would not go. He was 
informed by Mr. Furthmann how strict the law was against conspiracies, 
but the only answer he vouchsafed was that the laws would not remain in 
force much longer ; that the working people would make laws to suit them- 
selves, and they would not allow any higher power to dictate to them. For 


Designed, according to Lingg's own statement, to connect the halves of a composition bomb weighing 
twelve pounds. "The Haymarket bomb," said he, "killed six. The one which I was going to make with 
that bolt would kill six dozen." Four such bolts were found. 

his own part, he could work and was willing to work, he said, but he wanted 
his share of the profits. He thought the police had made fools of them- 
selves in the movement the Anarchists had inaugurated. If they had only 
known enough, he said, to have held back, the capitalists would have been 
forced to submit ; but now the police had spoiled their own chances for gain 
for years to come. They would be sorry for it, he added. If the Anarchists 
had won in Chicago, he further stated, all the other large cities would have 
fallen into line, and wretchedness and poverty would have been banished 

After Lingg had been taken away from the Ambrose Street house, Gus- 
tav and Kate Klein became anxious about their friend. They traced him 
to the Chicago Avenue Station and called there later in the day, after 
his arrest. When they reached the office I questioned them, although they 
were not under arrest, and they answered without hesitancy. They stated 
that Lingg had come to their house on the yth of May, and had remained 
indoors nearly all the time up to his arrest that day May 14. He had 
only been out twice to secure books from some neighbors, and he had felt 
measurably safe in the locality. This section, it was found, as already 


stated, was a hotbed of Anarchy, and as the neighbors knew the man, they 
were anxious to protect him. It had even been whispered in the locality 
that he was the one who had thrown the bomb at the Haymarket, but, 
knowing that he was a man not to be trifled with, and out of sympathy for 
the cause, none would betray him. He could not have selected a better 
place for concealment. Mr. Klein had known him for some time and had 
noticed a great change in him since the Haymarket bloodshed. 

" He was always cheerful," he said, "up to that time, but since then he 
acted very strangely. He would not converse with any one, but always 
sought to be alone. Whenever any one came near the house he was 

"I noticed that too," interposed Mrs. Klein. "He always used to fool 
and play with me before the Haymarket event, and was good company, 
but since then he was a changed man altogether." 

Mrs. Klein described the scene of Lingg's arrest, and told how at first 
she had regarded it simply as fun between two friends, and how frightened she 
had become when she discovered that it was a serious affair. She also 
described the terrible look which came over Lingg's face when he found him- 
self powerless to fire the revolver. 

I subsequently thought it best to bring Lingg face to face with one of 
his former comrades, who had furnished information about him, and this 
was accordingly done. The moment he was brought into the presence of 
the informer his face assumed a terrible scowl, but he remained obstinately 

One day Lingg was again brought into the office, and I questioned him 
as to the real strength of the Anarchists in the city and country. 

He smiled and said : 

" Don't you know that yet ? This I cannot answer, but I will tell you 
that you only know the noisy fellows. The real Anarchists in this city or 
country you do not know yet, because they are not ready to take hold, but 
you will be taken by surprise unless you die soon. I only hope that I will 
live long enough to see this hidden power show its strength." 

During the time Lingg remained at the station his hand was regularly 
attended to, he was treated very kindly, had plenty to eat, and was made as 
comfortable as possible. All these attentions somewhat mollified his bitter- 
ness against us. 

Some time after the other interviews, I visited him and asked him if he 
entertained any hostility towards the police. He replied that during the 
McCormick factory riot he had been clubbed by an officer, but he did not 
care so much for that. He could forget it all, but he did not like Bonfield. 
If it had not been for Bonfield, he said, the street-car men, in their strike 
in the summer of 1885, would have had things all their own way, and that 
would have changed everything all over the city in a business way. 


" If I could only kill Bonfield, " he vehemently declared, "I would be 
ready to die within five minutes afterwards." 

Lingg was a singular Anarchist. In every act and word he showed no 
care for himself, but he always expressed sympathy for men who had ip.vni- 
lies and who were in trouble. He showed that he was a man with a will, 
and that if he set his mind to the accomplishment of an end he would bei.d 
all his energies to attain it. 

There was another peculiarity about Lingg which distinguished him 
from the rest of his associates. Although he drank beer, he never drank to 
excess, and he frowned upon the use of bad or indecent language. He 
was an admirer of the fair sex, and they reciprocated his admiration, his 
manly form, handsome face and pleasing manners captivating all. 

On the ayth of May, Lingg and Engel were taken in a patrol wagon to 
the Harrison Street Station, where the "art gallery" of the Police Depart- 
ment was kept, to have their photographs taken. On the way, Loewen- 
stein remarked to Lingg : 

" Louis, you want to look your prettiest, so that you will make a good 

" What difference does it make whether a dead man's picture looks good 
or bad," was the reply, uttered in a most serious manner and in a strong 
tone of voice. 

From the gallery the Anarchists were driven to the County Jail, and 
that was the last time they ever saw the streets of Chicago or breathed the 
.air outside of prison walls. 

From the day Lingg entered the jail he became surly and ugly to all the 
officers, but he implicitly obeyed all prison rules. He held himself aloof 
from everybody except his fellow Anarchists, and would have nothing to say 
to any one except his friends or his sweetheart. 

Lingg was very fond of children, and when those of Neebe, Schwab or 
others called at the jail he would play with them and seemed to extract 
much amusement from their little pranks and antics. 

Mrs. Klein often visited him and always brought a baby, in which Lingg 
seemed to take a special interest. Lingg and Mrs. Klein conversed freely 
together, and he seemed to enjoy her visits greatly. Whenever she called 
she brought him fruit of the season and choice edibles with which to vary 
his prison fare. 

Lingg and his associates proved quite a drawing card, and Anarchists 
from all parts of the country called at the jail. But while his fellows 
appeared pleased to hold receptions, so to speak, Lingg did not desire the 
company of strangers. He gave his time only to the few ladies who called 
on him and to his nearest friends. He disliked being gaped at by curiosity- 
seekers, and when he had no good friend to keep him company he traveled 
the corridors of the jail beyond the reach of public gaze. He also whiled 



time away by cutting pretty little carvings out of cigar-boxes with his jack- 
knife, and in this he displayed considerable ingenuity. Tiring of this 
diversion, he would pick up a book or a paper ; but, however monotonous 
prison life at times became, he never thrust himself before the visitors' cage 
to pose before the idle throng. Many callers came to sympathize with 
Lingg as well as to admire his handsome physique, and, as he would not 
allow his hair to be cut after his incarceration, his flowing, curly locks added 
to his picturesque appearance. 

But there was one visitor he always welcomed. It was his sweetheart, 
whose acquaintance he had made before his arrest, and who became a reg- 
ular caller. She invariably wore a pleasant smile, breathed soft, loving 

words into his ears through the wire 
screen that separated the visitors' cage 
from the jail corridor, and contributed 
much toward keeping him cheerful. 
This girl had lived at one time with 
a family on West Lake Street, in the 
heart of an Anarchist camp, but, for 
some reason, while her lover was at the 
Chicago Avenue Station she never paid 
him a visit. The second day after he 
had been locked up at the County Jail 
she promptly made her appearance, 
however, and became a regular visitor. 
She simply passed with the jail officials 
at first as "Lingg's girl," but one day 
some one called her Ida Miller, and 
thereafter she was recognized under 
that name. She was generally accom- 
panied by young Miss Engel, the 
daughter of Anarchist Engel, and during the last four months of her lover's 
incarceration she could be seen every afternoon entering the jail. She was 
always readily admitted until the day the bombs were found in Lingg's cell. 
After that neither she nor Mr. and Mrs. Klein were admitted. While it has 
never been satisfactorily proven who it was that introduced the bombs into 
the jail, it is likely that they were smuggled into Lingg's hands by his sweet- 
heart. She enjoyed Lingg's fullest confidence, and regarded his every wish. 
It is not known whether Miller is the real name of the girl, but it 
is supposed to be Elise Friedel. She is a German, and was twenty-two 
years of age at the time, her birthplace being Mannheim, which was also 
Lingg's native town. She was robust in appearance, with fair complexion, 
and dark hair. She had quite a penchant for beer, and could sit in a crowd 
of her Anarchist friends and drink "schnitts" with the proficiency of a vet- 

From a Photograph. 


eran. She always entertained hope of executive clemency, but when Lingg 
died at his own hands she somewhat surprisingly failed to evince great sor- 
row. Perhaps the consciousness of having aided him in escaping the gal- 
lows had prepared her for the worst. 

Lingg's terrible death did not perceptibly change her demeanor. She 
was seen at several dances shortly afterwards, and seemed to enjoy herself 
as much as anybody. She even danced with detectives, unconscious of 
their calling, and, in jesting with them, her laugh was as hearty and ringing 
as though she were bent on capturing a new beau. 

During all the long, weary days Lingg remained in jail his demeanor was 
the same as during the trial cool, collected and unconcerned. No special 
trouble apparently burdened his mind. His constant companions when- 
ever they were permitted to be together were Engel and Fischer. They 
appeared to believe that their fellow prisoners and co-conspirators would 
turn on them to save their own lives. 

The statement Lingg made, on the I4th of May, omitting the part per- 
taining to his occupation, age and residence, was as follows : 

"Whenever I did any work at home [Seliger's house] I did it as care- 
fully as possible, so that no one could see me. I did make dynamite bombs 
out of gas-pipe, and I generally found the gas-pipe on the street. Finding 
them two or three feet long, I would cut them into pieces. After cutting 
them about six inches long I would fill them with dynamite and attach a 
fuse to each. I then would call them bombs." 

"Who showed or taught you how to make those bombs?" 

"No one. I learned it from books." 

"What books?" 

"I read it in a book published by Herr Most of New York. It explains 
how to make dynamite and other articles used in war. I once had four 
bombs in my dinner-box two were loaded and two empty. I bought two 
pounds of the stuff on Lake Street, near Dearborn. I also bought one coil 
of fuse and one box of caps at the same place, and that is all I bought. I 
paid 65 cents for the box of caps, 60 cents for two pounds of dynamite, and 
50 cents for the coil of fuse." 

" Did you work all the material into the bombs? " 

"No, there is some of it left in my trunk. I do not deny making bombs. 
I made them for the purpose of being used in a war or a revolution during 
these workingmen's troubles. The bombs found in my room I intended to 
use myself. I have been at August Spies' office several times, and I have 
known him for some time. I always received the Arbeiter-Zeitung, and I 
like to read it. I made some of those round lead bombs. I made the 
molds myself and cast the bombs. The iron bolts I used to connect and 
hold them together I bought in a hardware store. 1 bought five small ones 
and two big ones. I could only use the molds to cast bombs with a few 
times ; then they would be useless. At the time I bought the dynamite I 
was alone. On Tuesday night, May 4, Seliger and I were on Larrabee 
Street, between Clybourn Avenue and the city limits, and we remained 
there until about ten o'clock. We then went home and had several glasses 
of beer. We did not meet any one we knew. We were on Larrabee 



Street all the time. When we came home Mrs. Seliger was abed. I was 
at the meeting held in the hall at No. 71 West Lake Street, Monday night, 
May 3. I saw there the circular which called the workingmen to arms and 
to seek revenge on the police because they had killed six of our brothers 
at McCormick's factory on that day. I also attended a meeting the same 
night, at No. 54 West Lake Street, which was held by the armed sections. 
I was out to Lake View and tried one of my dynamite bombs to find out 
what strength it had. I put the bomb in a tree between two limbs. I lit 
the fuse ; the bomb exploded and split the tree, damaging it considerably. I 
had my hair cut, and mustache and whiskers shaven off, about May 8th or 
gth. I want to say right here to you men that I did make dynamite bombs 
and intended to use them. I am down on capital and capitalists. I knew 
that if we sought our rights I mean the workingmen they would turn out 
the police and militia against us with their Gatling guns and cannon. We 
knew that we could not defend ourselves with our revolvers, and therefore 

turned to the adoption of 
dynamite. For one, I was 
not going to get hurt. I 
made bombs of lead and 
bombs of metal, and I made 
them with the two materials 
mixed. I tried both the lead 
and gas-pipe bombs, and I 
found that they could do 
good service. If you cut the 
fuse ten inches long and light 
it you can run away forty 
steps before the explosion 
takes place. The armed men 
of the so-called International 
Group of the North Side 
always met at Greif's Hall, 
No. 54 West Lake Street. 
We used to go to the Shoot- 
ing Park in Lake View and 
shoot at targets on Sundays. 
I have been there about ten times. I admit that the two Lehmans came 
to see me at my room at No. 442 Sedgwick Street, and I will confess that 
on Tuesday, May 4, six men came to my room to see me." 

At this interview there were present, besides myself, Furthmann, Stift, 
Rehm, Loewenstein, Schuettler and Hoffman. On the i7th of May, Lingg 
again remarked to Officer Schuettler that he regretted that he had not had 
a chance to kill him. 

On the 24th of May Lingg and Hubner were brought together, and 
Assistant State's Attorney Furthmann asked the latter if he knew the 

"Oh, yes, I was at his room on Tuesday afternoon, May 4, helping him 
to make dynamite bombs, and what I stated in my affidavit is true." 

Lingg scowled furiously, and emphatically denied the statement. All 

Used by Lingg in Casting Bombs. From a Photograph. 


he could be made to say in explanation of the affair, however, was that he 
"had been a Socialist all his life and ever since he could think." 

ERNST HUBNER was arrested by Officers Schuettler and Whalen on 
the morning of May 18, at six o'clock, while he was on his way to his 
work. He is a German by birth and a carpenter by trade, and worked 
for a man by the name of Schombel, on the corner of Clybourn Avenue and 
Larrabee Street. He was about forty years of age, married, wore very 
shabby clothes, and lived, at the time of his arrest, at No. n Mohawk 
Street, in three small and dirty rooms. His house was searched, and the 
officers found one breech-loading rifle, one large 44-caliber Remington 
revolver and half a pailful of ammunition for both guns. While they 
were searching the house, Mrs. Hubner, a sickly, delicate woman, said to 
Officer Schuettler : 

"My dear man, if my husband had gone more to his shop and to work 
instead of running to meetings, you would not find my house in this shape. 
I am all broken up. I am sick, and now he is arrested. I suppose this is 
the last of our family." 

The search still going on, Mrs. Hubner crossed the room to a closet, 
saying to Schuettler : 

" Here, officers, take this devil's print out of my house. This is what 
my husband prayed with night and day, and what got him into trouble. If 
you don't want to take it, I will throw it into the stove. I don't want any 
more families made miserable by it." 

The officer opened the bundle, and the first thing he saw was a picture 
of the burly face of John Most. This led to the exchange of a few pleas- 
antries between the officers. 

"I have got him," shouted Schuettler. 

When Officer Whalen got a glimpse of the portrait, which was printed 
on the cover of a pamphlet, and not knowing what the title on the cover 
had reference to, as it was printed in German, or whom the picture repre- 
sented, he facetiously remarked : 

"I see the face of a Scotch terrier." 

"You fool," replied Schuettler, with a twinkle in his eye, "that is 
Johann Most." 

"Well," retorted Whalen, "if that is the great Anarchist, he ought to 
have two more legs. He'd make a fine ratter." 

In the bundle were found a number of Communistic, Socialistic and 
Anarchistic documents, and a complete collection of hand-bills of all 
the meetings that had been held for years past. Hubner had been an 
active worker at all times. He would post bills, carry hand-bills and do 
any kind of work for the "good of the cause." No meetings were ever 
held too far from his home. He was well known in all the "groups" and 
to all the leaders. He attended all the picnics and parades. Nothing 


delighted him more than to carry the big banner belonging to the Interna- 
tional Carpenters' Union No. i. How he strutted and flaunted that banner 
as he passed churches, police stations and the residences of the wealthy. 
Next to Host's book, that banner was his principal source of inspiration. 
He would even neglect his meals for the sake of bearing aloft that crimson 
standard. Whether this was the cause of his emaciated look at the time 
of his arrest is problematical, but certain it is his appearance, when 
brought before me, indicated want and starvation, and his voice was weak 
and husky. 

" From what I can hear about you," I said, " it appears that you are 
one of the ' boys.' " 

"Oh, well," drawled Hubner, "you may hear a great deal." 
"Yes,'' I replied, " I hear so much it keeps me busy thinking." 
"Have you been thinking any of me ?" queried Hubner. 
"I have, and I think you are the worst I have heard of yet.' 1 
"Ah, but you have got others far more dangerous than I am." 
"If you want to give credit to any one else, name the parties." 
Hubner finally stated that only on the evening previous, at a meeting of 
the Carpenters' Union, a member had said that their attorneys, Messrs. 
Salomon & Zeisler, held that there was no law to convict any one, and that 
they would secure the release of the "boys" as fast as the police locked 
them up. They advised all to " keep their mouths shut," and that, in the 
event of an arrest, the police could not hold them longer than two days. 
" Do you want to try that and see how it works ? " I asked. 
"That's what I want," responded Hubner, bent on an experiment. 
"Well, I guarantee you," said I smilingly, "that you will remain here 
with us as long as we like your company. When we get tired of you we 
will send you to the big jail. Officer, take this man and tell the lockup- 
keeper that he will probably stay with us a week." 

Hubner was escorted.down stairs, given a good cell and allowed to met- 
aphorically wrap "that banner" around him as he lay down to dream of 
Anarchy. Things got monotonous, however. The very next day he sent 
word that he desired to see me. He was brought up and made a long 
statement. He assured me that every word was true, that he would face 
any of those mentioned and defy them to contradict his assertions. He 
told the day and date of almost every transaction. He said he would 
swear to everything he had stated. 

" I don't believe in a God," he added, " but when I swear, I understand 
that if I should tell a lie or an untruth I can be punished for it. I am dis- 
gusted with the way things are now. There are no more brave men." 

After a few days he was released by order of the State's Attorney. 
Before leaving, he promised that he would testify in court in accordance 
with his statement, and afterwards, for a time, he was on hand whenever 
sent for. 


The parties arrested were required to report regularly. At the com- 
mencement of the trial, they were all kept in a large room in the station, 
where ten officers guarded them night and day. They were taken out for 
exercise every evening, but were not allowed to talk to any one. Their 
wives had the privilege of seeing them, but an officer was always present to 
hear what was said. 

Hubner after a time showed signs of weakening. He had been seen by 
the attorneys for the defense and changed his mind. He also began talk- 
ing to others, urging them not to testify. He finally said he would not 
take the stand, and, as he was not wanted to testify, he was again released. 
After the trial he went back to his comrades, attended some of their 
meetings and talked for the cause. When the time approached for the 
execution, he suddenly left the city, and subsequently sent for his family. 
He has returned to Chicago, however, and is working on Division and 
Clark Streets, in a little carpenter-shop. 

The following is his statement, to the correctness of which he would 
have testified had he not been a poltroon and a simpleton. It fully bears 
out the truth of the witnesses who appeared for the State during 'the trial 
as to the conspiracy and the parties thereto : 

" I know Gottfried Waller. I belong to the armed men. I know George 
Engel. At one time he published a paper called the Anarchist. I know 
Louis Lingg. I was a Greif's Hall, 54 West Lake Street, Monday after- 
noon about five o'clock. I left there at nine o'clock and got home at eleven 
the same night. I read and saw a circular that called for revenge and to 
arm ourselves. I saw August Spies in the hall, and he told us that the police 
had been shooting our workingmen at McCormick's, and we should be ready 
with our arms. Then Rau came into the meeting, very much excited and 
said that a number of our people had been shot at McCormick's by the 
police. He called us to arms. Then Rau and Spies left the hall together. 
Both were much excited. The speech and talking of Spies in the hall hap- 
pened in this way. Spies would catch a man alone and talk about the 
shooting, or when he saw a crowd of four or five standing together he would 
talk to them to excite them and urge them on. The effect of his talking to 
us brought our temper to such heat that I and others were ready to take 
revenge on the police officers and the law. And we would have done almost 
anything to get revenge. If Spies and Rau had there and then started out 
and we had had our arms with us, we would have followed them to do harm 
at once." 

Such was the confession the brave Hubner first made to the police. On 
the 1 8th of May he made a second statement, as follows, adding a few 
further details as to the conspiracy : 

"On Tuesday, May 4, about 4 P.M., I went to the house of William 
Seliger, at 442 Sedgwick Street, and there I found William Seliger and 
Louis Lingg. I had been in Seliger's house the day before, and I took 
along with me when I left three bombs that is, three empty shells. Lingg 
also gave me the dynamite with which to fill them. Not knowing how, I 


was afraid to fill them, and I brought them back to Lingg to fill them for 
me. When I got there, Seliger and Lingg were working, filling bombs or 
shells with dynamite. I went to work and helped them and got the bombs 
ready for use. They had some of them filled when I got there, but in all 
they filled and finished twenty round lead or metal bombs and about fifteen 
or eighteen long ones that is, I mean to say, made of gas-pipe, about six 
inches or more long. I saw there a lot more of dynamite and fuse. As I 
went away from there Seliger's house that evening, I took along with 
me four long bombs, but before I left we had all the bombs finished, ready 
for use. I saw about six men at 5 P.M. in Seliger's house, and when any 
one came Lingg always went to the door and waited upon them. That 
evening, May 4, at eight o'clock, I went to Neff's Hall, 58 Clybourn 
Avenue, and when I had been there only a few minutes I saw Lingg, 
Seliger and a little stout man, who carried a heavy satchel with a gray cloth 
cover. They came in together in Neff's Hall and placed the satchel in a 
little hallway leading to a ' gents' closet.' I was sent to Neff's Hall to see 
and report if there were many of our armed men in the hall who were wait- 
ing for bombs. As I had not been there long enough to find out and report 
back, Lingg and Seliger got tired of waiting at 442 Sedgwick Street and 
brought the satchel filled with bombs to Neff's Hall themselves. When 
Lingg saw me he came up to me and found fault with me for not reporting 
back sooner. He said there might have been lots of people there who 
failed to get bombs or shells. After that I went to supper, since Lingg 
was in the hall to look after things himself. The men I saw there were 
Hageman and Hermann. On Monday night, May 3, I was at Greif's Hall, 
54 West Lake Street, up to ten o'clock, and afterwards I also went into the 
saloon. There were about forty men sitting and standing around the bar- 
room. Some one called out that the so-called armed sections should go 
down into the basement, as there would be a meeting for them. Then forty 
of us went down, and we decided to hold a meeting there. This was about 
nine o'clock in the evening. Gottfried Waller was chosen president. 
George Engel was one of the speakers and originator of the plan then and 
there given to us to shoot and kill people and destroy property. He told 
us what to do and began in this way. He asked us if we knew about his 
plan. The majority said ' no.' Then he began to tell us that his plan was 
to call a meeting for the next evening at the Haymarket, and there draw 
out as many police as possible, so that the outside parts of the city would 
not be strongly protected by the police. The signal for action would be 
given, and they should set fire to buildings in several places and in all parts 
of the city. One building at Wicker Park was mentioned, and as soon as 
they saw it on fire, then they should attack the police stations, throw dyna- 
mite bombs into the stations, kill the police officers and destroy the stations. 
In case a patrol wagon came, they should throw a bomb among the police- 
men, and if that did not stop them, then they should kill the horses attached 
to the wagons with their revolvers or guns. After that they should destroy 
all the property they could. The circular that called for revenge and to 
arms I saw at the Monday night meeting in the basement, 54 West Lake 
Street, where Engel spoke and gave us the plan of revolution. The lying 
of Engel about the killing of six of our brothers at McCormick's factory 
started me so that I was ready to do anything desperate. The speech of 
Engel in the basement that evening worked on me so that I went to Seli- 
ger's house on Tuesday afternoon, May 4, and helped to finish the bombs, 



as I stated before. George Engel told those that had no arms to stay at 
home away from the Hay market meeting, and that men who had arms but 
no courage should also stay at home. In that meeting there were present 
Adolph Fischer, Gottfried Waller, George Engel, Breitenfeld, Schnaubelt, 
John Thielen, Abraham Hermann, Herman Hageman, the two Lehmans and 
Hubner. Waller told us to go ahead and do our work, that he would be 
with us. The meeting lasted from nine o'clock to eleven. Fischer and 
others agreed to have the circular printed calling the meeting at the Hay- 
market for Tuesday night, May 4. After all the plans had been explained 
to us Fischer said ' That is the one ' meaning the murderous plan ' that we 

adopted in our group meeting.' Every division group were to make their 
own arrangements. The North Side armed men should meet Tuesday 
evening, May 4, at the foot of Webster Avenue and Lincoln Park, at the 
Schiller monument. I went there. I could not find enough of our people 
there, as the night was dark and those present were scattered. I got tired 
of waiting for others. The four bombs I had with me that night I took to 
the North Avenue Pier and threw them into the lake. Then I went home 
and went to bed. This was about ten o'clock. I did not hear anything of 
the shooting or the explosion of the bomb or the killing of the policemen at 
the Haymarket until the next morning when I got up. I went home so 
early on that evening because I had a headache from the smell of the dyna- 


mite used in filling the bombs. We filled thirty-five in all. The word 
' Ruhe ' was intended as the signal word. If it should appear in the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung May 4, in the 'Briefkasten,' then that would be a notifica- 
tion to be ready for the revolution. We were to watch also for the fire and 
shooting signals as well as the appearance of that word in the paper. We 
were then all to get ready. I only know of Lingg as a manufacturer of 
bombs. The plan was presented to the men to go and blow up the Chicago 
Avenue Station. Also many others were to blow up the Larrabee Street 
Station and the Webster Avenue Station. The work I did on the bombs 
was drilling holes in them. This statement I make of my own free will and 
accord in the presence of the officers named, and it is true and correct. 
And I furthermore will say that I will not take any bribe to change my 
statement or make denials ; neither will I leave the city or the State as long 
as this case is pending in court, unless I have the consent of Capt. Schaack ; 
that I always will be ready to give testimony for the people, whenever I am 
called on in this case, and that I will never make a second statement, that 
is to say, to a notary public or a justice of the peace, in writing or verbally ; 
that I will only make a statement under oath for the grand jury of the Crim- 
inal Court, or Capt. M. J. Schaack." 

Here follow the signature, etc., and the notarial acknowledgment. 
On the 24th of May, Hubner, among other things, stated that he knew 
Herman Muntzenberg. 

"I met him," he said, "as I was carrying around hand-bills for the 
meeting called May 4 at the Haymarket. Muntzenberg went with me to 
Seliger's house that afternoon. We saw Lingg and Seliger making the 
dynamite bombs, and we helped them to make them. Muntzenberg and I 
spent about three hours in Seliger's house that afternoon. Muntzenberg 
was there when it was stated that the dynamite bombs should be carried 
down to Neff s Hall, 58 Clybourn Avenue, that night. Muntzenberg and I, 
by order of Lingg, went down to Neff's Hall to see how things looked there 
and report back to him. That is why Muntzenberg went to meet Lingg 
and Seliger to help them to carry the bombs to Neff's place." 

Since the trial I have learned that Hubner knew a great deal more than 
he divulged in his confession, and that he was one of the parties chosen to 
aid in blowing up the Webster Avenue Station. 


Engel in the Toils His Character and Rough Eloquence Facing his 
Accusers Waller's Confession The Work of the Lehr und Wehr Verein A 
Dangerous Organization The Romance of Conspiracy Organization of the Armed 
Sections Plans and Purposes Rifles Bought in St. Louis The Picnics at Sheffield 
A Dynamite Drill The Attack on McCormick's A Frightened Anarchist 
Lehman in the Calaboose Information from many Quarters The Cost of Revolvers 
Lorenz Hermann's Story Some Expert Lying. 

ENOUGH was at this time known to make George Engel a mark for 
speedy police attention. It had been established beyond a doubt that 
he was one of the central figures in the conspiracy, and it was not long be- 
fore a warrant was secured charging him with murder. I detailed Officers 
Stift and Whalen to serve the document, and they found him at his home, 
No. 286 Milwaukee Avenue. He was a man about fifty years old*, stoutly 
built, round-shouldered, weighing about 170 pounds, and about five feet 
eight inches in height. He was married and had a daughter about sixteen 
years of age. He was by trade a painter, but he and his wife conducted a toy- 
store at the place where they lived. In addition to toys, they sold cigars 
and tobacco. The building he lived in was a two-story frame, and his sup- 
port came principally from his business. He always claimed to be a very 
good friend of policemen, many of whom he said he knew, and they all, he 
claimed, liked him. He was very radical in his ideas, however, and at all 
times took an active interest in Anarchist meetings. In fact, he was one of 
the most rabid of them all. He was a successful organizer and a hard, per- 
sistent worker for the cause. He was one of the most positive, determined 
speakers in the German language in Chicago. He could hold a house all 
night, and his auditors were always charmed with his ingenious argument, 
his powerful invective and his captivating sophistry. He was well read on 
all topics bearing upon Anarchy, had a wonderful memory, and he could 
always promptly give a plausible "reason for the faith that was in him." 
His speeches were always plain, and, although he talked rapidly, he spoke 
with a directness and force that took complete possession of the illiterate and 
unthinking rabble. He could work up his auditors to the point of despera- 
tion, and with a word he could have sent them out to pillage and murder. 
It was his brain alone that evolved the gigantic plan of murdering hundreds 
of people and laying waste thousands of dollars' worth of property in Chi- 
cago, and the fact that he found so many willing to execute his purpose 
fully proved his power and influence over his Anarchist followers. Like all 
rabid Anarchists, he had no use for clergymen or the church, Sisters of Char- 
ity or anything else that had a tinge of religion in it. He called them 
all hypocrites and frauds. He was a great admirer of Louise Michel, the 




French Anarchist, because of her fearlessness and courage, and he never 
failed to bestow words of praise on Most, whose work he fairly worshiped. 
The organs of the Anarchists in Chicago he did not think radical enough,, 
and so he ventured to publish a paper of his own called the Anarchist, 
which, however, did not survive long. He was known as an honest man in 
all his dealings with his fellow-men, earnest in his convictions, but withal a. 
most dangerous leader and most unrelenting in his hatred of existing 
society, and thoroughly unscrupulous in the methods to be used to bring 
about a change. 

Engel was always cool and collected, rarely exhibiting signs of excite- 
ment. This fact was brought out most 
strikingly when the officers found him 
at his home, on the i8th of May, at 
five o'clock, and informed him that 
they had a warrant for his arrest on 
the charge of murder. He was paint- 
ing in his house at the time, and, turn- 
ing to the officers with a smile on his 
face, he nonchalantly remarked : 
"Well, this is very strange." 
The officers then told him that I 
desired to see him immediately, and 
he responded that if that was the case 
he supposed he must go with them. 

When he arrived at the station he 
was informed again of the nature of 
the charge against him, and the floor, 
so to speak, was accorded him for any 
explanations he might desire to make. 
"I am the most innocent man in 
the world," he began, in a slow, delib- 
erate voice. " I could not hurt a child or see any one hurt. " 

Engel was then subjected to some close questioning, and all he could 
be made to say was this : 

" On Monday, May 3, I was working for a friend of mine named Koch. 
I was doing some painting for him that evening between the hours of eight 
and nine o'clock. I then went to a meeting at Greif's Hall, 54 West Lake 
Street. The meeting was held in the basement. I don't know Mr. Waller. 
I do not belong to the Northwest Side group. I don't belong to any armed 
men. I don't know of any plan or conspiracy. I did not give any plan at: 
that meeting. I was there at the meeting only a little while. I did not 
speak there, nor had I anything to say to any one. I did not, and was not 
authorized by any one to give a plan." 

From a Photograph taken by the Police. 



He thus flatly contradicted every charge and seemed determined to put 
a bold front upon the situation. Confronted by the facts, he never winced, 
but kept up a bold exterior. He was then locked up at the station. Sub- 
sequently his wife called and met him in my office. 

"Papa, see what trouble you have got yourself into," she sadly 

"Mamma," he responded, "I cannot help it. What is in me must 
come out." 

"Why," I interposed, "don't you stop that nonsense?" 

"I know," replied Engel, "I have promised my wife so many times that 
I would stop it. But I cannot do it. 
I cannot help it that I am possessed of 
some eloquence and enthusiasm. It 
is a curse to some people to be pos- 
sessed of this knowledge. I cannot 
help it that I am gifted in that way. I 
am not the first man that has been 
locked up for this cause, but I will bear 
it like a man. Louise Michel is a great 
woman. She has been locked up and 
suffered for principle. I am willing to 
do the same." 

When Engel was asked where he 
had been on Tuesday evening, May 4, 
he responded : " At home all night, 
lying on a lounge." 

Two days after Engel's arrest I 
secured a statement in addition to 
that of Hubner from Gottfried Wal- 
ler, implicating the nervy Anarchist 
in the conspiracy in connection _with 
"the plan." 

I therefore thought it best to have Engel face his accuser, Waller, and, 
on the evening of May 24, at 9:30 o'clock, the two men were brought together 
in my office. Mr. Furthmann, who was present, with the officers, asked 
Engel, the moment he was brought in, if he knew the party before him. 
Engel, without the slightest hesitancy or tremor, answered in the negative. 
He was next asked if he had not attended the meeting at No. 54 West 
Lake Street, and Engel stated that he had come in late during the proceed- 

Waller then reiterated his charge, that Engel was not only a speaker on 
that occasion, but the man who had submitted apian for murder and destruc- 

From a Photograph. 


" In fact," said Waller, "you were the only man who urged a revolution 
and spoke about your plan." 

When questioned as to what he had to say to this, Engel retorted that 
"it was not true," as he had not been authorized by any one to propose a 
plan. Inasmuch as the accusation of Waller failed to make any perceptible 
impression on Engel's mind, I decided to see how the presence of another 
accuser would affect his deportment and answers. Accordingly Ernst Hub- 
ner was asked if he would face Engel, and, an answer being given firmly in 
the affirmative, Engel was again brought back into the office. There were 
present at this, as well as at the former interview, Furthmann, Whalen, 
Stift, Schuettler, Hoffman, Loewenstein and Rehm. The moment Engel 
was brought up by an officer, Assistant State's Attorney Furthmann asked 
Hubner if he was acquainted with Engel. Hubner replied, "Yes, I know 

Addressing Engel, I said : 

"This is Ernst Hubner. "He says that he knows you, and he also has 
made a statement against you." 

Engel replied that he did not know the man, whereupon Hubner reiter- 
ated his acquaintanceship, and added : 

"Your name is Engel, and you keep a toy-store on Milwaukee Avenue. 
You made speeches at 58 Clybourn Avenue. I saw and heard you several 
times. I saw you in a meeting May 3, 9 P.M., at 54 West Lake Street." 

"Engel," I interrupted, "listen, and I will read you what Hubner said 
about you." 

Engel assented, and the statement of Hubner, as already given, was 

"It is false," replied Engel; "but if that good man says I did say so, 
then you can believe him. I do not care." 

"Where did you see Engel last? " inquired Furthmann of Hubner. 

" I saw him at the meeting held at Greif's Hall, 54 West Lake Street, 
where I heard him speak about the revenge circular and his plan, which he 
said had been adopted by the Northwest Side group. He spoke of the 
plan as I have heretofore explained in my affidavit to the officers." 

" You still say that that affidavit is true in every respect ? " 

" I do," emphatically replied Hubner. 

" It is not so, and it is not true," stoutly replied Engel. 

"Well," said I, "there are other people, and we will have more, who 
will prove that you did make a revolutionary speech and submitted a plan 
calling on your people to get ready with their arms and do violence. If 
other witnesses are produced, will you still have the same answer to 
give ? " 

" It would not be true ; it is not so," reiterated Engel. 

"But," I added, "suppose I produce twenty more men who will accuse 



you the same as Waller and Hubner have accused you, what then would you 
have to say ? " 

" My answer," responded Engel, "would be that I have never spoken as 
charged against me. It is not true." 

Engel had evidently made up his mind to deny everything, and, knowing 
his character for stubbornness, I made no further efforts to secure a state- 
ment from him. A man who could originate such a cold-blooded scheme as 
he had proposed and part of it was actually carried out in bloodshed was 
evidently not the kind to yield, and I allowed him to ruminate over his pre- 
dicament in a cell below until the ayth of May, when he was sent to the 
County Jail. As will subsequently appear, he never showed signs of weak- 
ness during his incarceration from the time he was taken from his house 
that night until he dropped from the 
gallows, dying the hardest of them all. 
A half dozen such men at a critical 
time could upset a whole city, and it 
was fortunate for Chicago that there 
were not more like him during the 
troublous days of 1886. 

SOME two days before Engel was 
brought in, GOTTFRIED WALLER was 
arrested by Officer Whalen. It ap- 
peared that he had been selling revol- 
vers to workingmen, and after being 
taken to the station, on the i4th of 
May, he was released on bail. His 
importance then as a conspicuous 
figure in the Monday night meeting, 
when the murderous "plan" was 
adopted, was not clearly apparent, 
but he was kept under surveillance 
and his antecedents carefully inquired 
into. Thielen, in his confession on the very day Waller was arrested, 
referred to him as having presided at that meeting, and, in describing 
a man who called at Lingg's room on Tuesday afternoon, May 4, said 
he " believed he worked at Brunswick & Balke's factory." Hubner, in his 
affidavit on the i8th of May, stated that Waller had presided on the occasion 
referred to, and had even urged them to go ahead and do their work, and he 
would be with them meaning their work of destruction. On these and 
other facts a warrant was secured for his arrest for murder, and on the 2oth 
of May he was again taken into custody by Officers Whalen and Stift. He 
was a Swiss by birth, a cabinet-maker by occupation, and worked at the 
Brunswick, Balke & Collender billiard factory. His age at the time of his 

From a Photograph. 


arrest was thirty-six years, and he was a married man with one child. At 
the time of his first arrest he was living at No. 590 Milwaukee Avenue, and 
at his second arrest he was found at No. 105 North Wells Street. He had 
been only three years in America, and had scarcely settled in Chicago before 
he began attending the Anarchist meetings. He always frequented the 
gatherings where Swiss people assembled, and on a search being made of 
their meeting-place, 105 North Wells Street, on the yth of May, the police 
found twelve guns. It had been the headquarters for the most dangerous 
element in the order, and on Waller's visiting the place after the trial of the 
Anarchists a serious attempt was made on his life. He was called a spy, 
and was pursued until he found safety under the shadow of the Chicago 
Avenue Station. Several parties were afterwards arrested for this assault. 
They subsequently threw a piece of iron through the window of the house 
where Waller was stopping, but this was the last futile exhibition of their 

In view of his testimony^ which appears further on in the review of the 
trial, Waller was given an unconditional release, and he has since con- 
ducted himself as a peaceable citizen. 

After his confession bearing directly on the principal parties in the con- 
spiracy, Waller wrote out his experience with the Lehr und Wehr Verein 
in particular and his connection with Anarchy in general. His story is as 
follows : 

"On the 25th of January, 1884, I arrived in Chicago from Easton, Pa. 
I lived sixteen months on Grove Avenue, Humboldt. I was never a Social- 
ist or Anarchist. 1 understood very little of the former and nothing at all 
of the latter. After residing for a while at the place mentioned, I moved to 
Milwaukee Avenue, near No. 636, Thalia Hall, on that street. Here I 
noticed people uniformed and armed about twice a week. They would 
enter this hall, and, by making inquiries, I was informed that these people 
belonged to the second company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein and that they 
were a sort of 'Schuetzen Verein,' which practiced twice a week in the 
North Chicago Schuetzen Park (Sharpshooters' Park). Their principles 
were kept secret. As I was an expert sharpshooter and had a passion for 
military exercises, I accepted an invitation from their commander to par- 
ticipate in their practices. We met on the following Sunday at Thalia 
Hall, at five o'clock in the morning, and continued for some time. We dis- 
persed by each going in different directions toward the park, so as not to 
arouse any suspicion. On account of cold weather only fourteen of us 
came together. It was no fun to walk knee-deep in the snow ; still we were 
feeling good since we were going to practice shooting. After several 
rounds of drinks, which were called for in payment of the stand we used on 
such occasions, we erected two targets and commenced practicing. I soon 
noticed that the company consisted of good marksmen, and that day I was 
pronounced the best marksman among them. After that I wanted to 
become a member of the Verein, as I had been asked several times by some 
of them to join. I called at Thalia Hall one Monday evening and was 
taken to the cellar, which I entered through a secret door by means of a 


ladder. Here I saw thirty to thirty-five men practicing shooting at a 
target. The cellar was not .well lighted except at the north end, where the 
targets stood. The people and all the surroundings looked quite advent- 
urous to me. One of the members then approached me and asked if I was 
a Socialist. I answered, 'Yes,' in an off-hand way. The first sergeant of 
the company, August Krueger, told me beforehand to do this. I paid my 
initiation fee, got a red card numbered 19, by which number I was after- 
wards known, and I was then a member. All the members were very 
cautious before me on account of my not being well known to them. We 
practiced every Monday and Wednesday, drilling and shooting. I paid a 
great deal of attention to these exercises. I never missed a meeting, and 
consequently I soon gained the confidence of all the members. 

"At the first general meeting, which was held every last Tuesday of 
each month, at No. 54 West Lake Street, I was enlightened, and how I 
was enlightened will appear as I proceed with my statement. I now desire 
first to speak of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. This society consists of four 
companies from various parts of the city, and forms a revolutionary military 
organization. The first company belongs to the North Side; second company, 
the Northwest Side ; third company, the Southwest Side, and the fourth 
company was formed by the commander at Pullman. The first company 
was the strongest and consisted of about one hundred and twenty members. 

The second consisted of thirty-five mem- 
bers ; the third about eighty ; and the 
fourth, forty members. Consequently the 
battalion consisted of two hundred and 
seventy-five members. You could rely 
upon one hundred and eighty men ; the 
others were more or less indifferent and 
From Lehr und Wehr Verein Rifles. pas sive. All the members were armed 

with Springfield rifles, 4 8-caliber, and 

with Remington revolvers, 44-caliber. Every member was well supplied with 
ammunition at his house, which was always purchased by the quartermaster 
of the company. The uniform consisted of a blouse, with white buttons, and 
with shoulder-straps for the officers, black leather belts with brass buckles 
inscribed L. W. V., dark pantaloons and black slouch hats. Every com- 
pany had a captain, lieutenant and first sergeant. Besides these the 
company had the following officers : A corresponding secretary, financial 
secretary, treasurer, quartermaster, and a Lehr und Wehr auditor. The 
commander received a monthly salary of $15.00, and the financial secre- 
tary $4.00. The commander was Gustav Breitenfeld. Captain of the 
first company, Abraham Hermann ; second company, Bernhard Schrader ; 
third company, H. Betzel, and fourth company, Paul Pull. Under com- 
mand of these people, the companies were drilled and instructed. The 
corresponding secretary attended to all the correspondence, domestic and 
foreign, which was not a very easy job, because we corresponded with the 
Internationale of the whole country. The financial secretary collected the 
dues, and turned them all over to myself as treasurer. The quartermaster, 
A. Hermann, had to supply arms and ammunition. The Lehr und Wehr 
auditor had to investigate all complaints and to impose all fines and collect 
the same. The meeting-place of the first company was at Mueller's Hall, 
on North Avenue and Sedgwick Street, in basement : of the second com- 
pany, at Thalia Hall, on Milwaukee Avenue; of the third company, at 


Vorwaerts Turn Hall, on West Twelfth Street, and of the fourth com- 
pany, at Rosenheim, in Pullman. Another curiously mixed company also 
belonged to the Verein. It was commanded by Captain Betzel, of the 
third company, and it had nothing to do with us in a business way. 

"The whole battalion assembled once every month on pleasant days on 
the prairie behind the ice-houses of Schofield & Co., on the West Side, and 
practiced skirmish drills. The commands were given in English, and no 
one knew the members by name only by numbers. 

"This brings me to the first general meeting of the Verein at No. 54 
West Lake Street that I attended. Before the opening of the meeting, 
every one who entered the hall was examined so that none but members 
might get in. The meetings would be called to order by the secretary, and 
then a chairman and a doorkeeper would be chosen. August Krause, of 
the second company, was generally called upon to officiate as chairman. 
First of all the correspondence would be read, and at one meeting a letter 
was read from Most, of New York, which pertained to arms. In the first 
meeting Commander Breitenfeld was ordered to proceed to Pullman every 
Sunday to work for the cause, and for his services he received a remunera- 
tion of $3 for each trip. The new company in that town finally reported a 
large increase of. fine material with strong Anarchistic doctrines. The 
quartermaster, who then was Lehnert, was ordered to purchase forty rifles 
and four boxes of ammunition, each containing 4,000 rounds. The treas- 
urer delivered to him $250, and afterwards we duly received the rifles from 
a firm in St. Louis. After all business had been transacted one of the 
eager members delivered a speech touching the best means of bringing on 
the social revolution. He proved very violent in his sentiments, and all 
present agreed with him that this revolution could only be accomplished 
with fire, powder, lead and dynamite. For a public attack on the streets 
of Chicago the speaker considered us too weak. As to the ' property beasts,' 
as he called the small owners of buildings, he regarded them as our biggest 
enemies, as they would attack us from their windows and defeat us, and 
consequently our only hope for a victory lay in the torch and dynamite. 
When Chicago would be surrounded by fire and destroyed, these 'beasts,' 
he said, would be obliged to take refuge on the prairies, and there it would 
be very easy for us to master them by our unmerciful proceedings. If this 
was done, other cities, like New York, St. Louis, Pittsburg, etc., would follow 
our example. Then all eyes would be centered on the Anarchists of Chi- 
cago, and therefore we would proclaim the Commune. 

" All these utterances were accepted with great applause, and every one 
wanted to commence immediately. I thought differently. I remembered 
the revolution of 1848 in Germany and that of 1871 in Paris arid its conse- 

"Krause, after this speech, took the floor and spoke in favor of the revo- 
lution. He stated that they ought to invite the Anarchists of other cities 
to join them here, and then we could commence the work of destruction. 
Then other members gave their views, and the meeting adjourned with an 
injunction that every one should be silent with reference to our proceedings. 

"This brings me to the revolutionary party. This organization consists 
of the following sections and groups : The Lehr und Wehr Verein, com- 
mander Breitenfeld ; Northwest Side group, commanders Engel, Fischer 
and Grumm ; North Side group, commanders Neebe, Lingg and Hermann ; 
American group, commanders Spies, Parsons and Fielden ; Karl Marx 


Group, commander Schilling ; the Freiheit group ; the armed sections of 
the International Carpenters' Union and the Metal-workers' Union. The 
whole party is under the leadership of a general committee. This com- 
mittee is composed of Spies, Schwab, Parsons, Neebe, Rau, Hirschberger, 
Deusch and Belz. The committee held their meetings in one of the rooms 
of the Arbeiter-Zeitung and received weekly reports from the delegates of 
the various groups. A part of the monthly dues was delivered to the gen- 
eral committee, and all expenses for traveling at the instance of the agita- 
tion committee (Parsons and Schwab) and for arms were paid by the 

" On one occasion I attended a general meeting of the revolutionary 
party at No. 54 West Lake Street, at which the whole party of armed 
sections were represented. After all precautions had been taken as to 
safety, August Spies took the chair and Neebe. acted as secretary. We had 
to produce our cards of membership on entering, and every group was called 
by name, and each representative had to rise in his seat for close inspection. 
The first business was a complaint from the Northwest group and the Lehr 
und Wehr Verein that the funds had been mismanaged and thrown away. 
Both organizations declared that they would withdraw their delegates and, 
after that, act independently. Spies became as furious, as a snake when 
trodden upon, and he got up and told them that they might leave immedi- 
ately. This started a war of words. Some retorted that the Arbeiter- 
Zeitung was not radical enough, and it must be made different from that 
moment. The members of the general committee were called impostors 
and loafers. The Lehr und Wehr Verein had paid some $75 for the pur- 
chase of arms, but they had neither seen the arms nor the money. Engel 
and the Northwest Side group were brought into the wrangle, and he was 
called a traitor. They said that Engel would bring the whole party to ruin, 
likewise the Arbeiter-Zeitung, but they (Engel and the paper) did not care 
so long as it enriched themselves. Finally the Northwest group withdrew, 
and some of the members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein shortly afterwards 
followed suit. From this time on there were constant disputes. 

"Engel and Grunewald collected money for a new paper and started 
the Anarchist, a paper like Most's Freiheit in New York. Shortly after 
these societies had left the hall, the fight was taken up again by some of the 
females who were present, Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. Boiling, Mrs. Schwab and 
Mrs. Holmes, and it was continued until Spies was declared out of order. 
Hirschberger then reported the result of the sale of revolutionary literature, 
such as the works of Louise Michel, Most's 'Revolutionary Warfare,' etc., 
and he stated that it had exceeded his expectations. After this they dis- 
cussed picnics, and a number desired them to be held outside of the city. 
Sheffield was suggested, because by going there they would bring in more 
money, and when there they could speak more freely their Anarchist senti- 
ments. It was finally decided to hold a meeting of the workingmen on 
Market Square on Thanksgiving day, and Parsons was ordered to make the 
necessary arrangements. Spies called attention to the importance of every 
one attending that meeting, and urged that they should not come without a 
bomb or a revolver. The bombs, he said, they could purchase at the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung office, four for $i. The time was near, he said, when the 
long-looked-for revolution would take place, and so they should avail them- 
selves of every opportunity. He wanted all Anarchists to work against the 
eight-hour movement, because if it should prove successful our movement 


would receive a set-back for several years. Our cause would not be hastened 
by it. He complained about our small gain in numbers and attributed it to 
the poor agitation of some of the members. After this I left the hall. 

" On the day before Thanksgiving we drilled in Thalia Hall. At the end 
of the exercise we were all requested to attend the meeting the following 
day, and Lehnert distributed some bombs in the shape of gas-pipe. He 
stated that he could only get four, but that on the next day at one o'clock 
every member could have one by calling at the hall. The next day most of 
the members put in an appearance. Members of the Northwest Side group 
also called. Adolph Fischer was there with a basketful of bombs like the 
one I saw the day before, which was the first time I had ever seen a bomb, 
and he told us distinctly to use them in case the Market Square meeting was 
dispersed. He cut a piece of fuse about the length of one on a bomb, put 
it on the table and lighted it with a cigar. He showed the way it worked 
and posted us as to the time it would have to burn before a bomb to which it 
might be attached should be thrown. He also showed us the way we should 
throw a bomb, and after this exhibition we all proceeded to the meeting. 

" On arriving at Market Square, I noticed a stage made out of barrels, 
with a red flag attached to it, and this was our meeting-place. Parsons 
mounted the platform and addressed the assemblage, which consisted of 
about a thousand people. It was a fortunate thing that the crowd was no 
larger, else the bloody bath of May 4 would have taken place that day, in 
view of all the preparations and the hostile feeling among us. The North- 
west Side group was fully armed, and the preparations were alike complete 
among all the the other sections. Schwab, Fielden and Neebe were pres- 
ent, but none of them spoke. After they had waved the red flag the meet- 
ing adjourned. Bad, cold weather contributed to the small attendance. 

"After reading in the newspapers that on a certain Monday some of 
McCormick's strikers would resume work, the armed groups were called to 
a meeting at Goercke's Hall, on Twentieth Street and Blue Island Avenue. 
Reinhold Krueger and Tannenberg represented the second company of the. 
Lehr und Wehr Verein, and I joined them on the way to the place of meet- 
ing. Arriving there, I found most of the different sections represented, and 
the meeting opened. Gustav Belz, of the Metal-workers' Union, and 
employed at McCormick's, was chairman, and after some discussion we con- 
cluded to stop the reopening of the factory by force. On account of the 
short time for a proper notification to our members, we decided to have our 
well-known signal, ' Y, come Monday ' (which would mean that all was ripe 
for action, and our men should came to our regular meeting place, 54 West 
Lake Street), in the 'Briefkasten' of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, and it was 
accordingly done. We also at the meeting conferred with respect to having 
some of our men mix up with the 'scabs' by going to work with them in the 
factory, and then, when the moment for action arrived, they should set the 
factory on fire in several places. Those who were to do this were not to act, 
however, until they learned the result of the meeting that was to be held 
under the call of our signal, 'Y. ' During the same da)', after the meeting, 
Belz and Tannenberg carried several bombs out to the Black Road. What 
happened the following Monday at the factory everybody knows. Strikers 
and others assembled by thousands The great bell at the factory rang, and 
the ' scabs ' went to work. During the day disturbances followed and many- 
arrests were made of people who were found to have concealed weapons, and 
who were afterwards fined $10 in the Police Court. 


"But a change took place the following Tuesday. In accordance with 
the signal published in the Arbeiier-Zeitung, about 180 of our people gath- 
ered at No. 54 West Lake Street. Most of them carried their arms and 
some carried bombs. I saw Suess, and some others unknown to me, have 
bombs of the round pattern. These men even had their rifles with them, 
and everyone knew what was up. The several sections formed in platoons. 
Belz was elected chairman, and they consulted as to what should be done. 
First they regretted that the strikers had not reached McCormick's that 
Monday morning, before the arrival of the police, in time to secure posses- 
sion of the place, and then Betzel of the third company spoke and insisted 
that they should go around there during the night, secure good positions and 
then attack the patrol wagons as they passed on the following morning. 
He said he would give strict instructions to his company to obey his com- 
mand, and then, when the police came to take their positions, they should 
be met with a good reception from well-aimed rifles. About fifty members 
wanted this plan carried out, but I noticed that most of them carried their 
hearts in their pants, and had very little courage. Excuses after excuses 
were made. Suess gave his bomb to a comrade and told him that when he 
thought of his wife and home he had doubts about going into an uncertain 
adventure. Balthasar Rau also protested against the plan. Some one sug- 
gested that they should stay there, in the hall, all night. Belz declared that 
he was of the same opinion about remaining ; but, he said, he had a better 
plan to reach Mr. McCormick. It was very easy, he said, to attack this 
money baron in his own house. He described the house and rooms, and 
the location of the windows, and said that they should throw one of these 
' play balls ' in through the window of the room where McCormick would 
be sitting, and send him flying to heaven. This course should be taken 
by some one of those present, of his own accord, so that no second or third 
party would know the perpetrator. There seemed to be no response to this, 
and, noticing the want of enthusiasm, he grasped his rifle and made a motion 
to break it in two, calling them all at the same time cowards. He then left 
the hall. I was surprised at this, because among those assembled there 
were some of the worst Anarchists in the city, notably Lingg, Engel, 
Fischer and Grunewald. McCormick, however, is alive to-day. Rau 
notified those present that if any one wanted any bombs they should follow 
him to the Arbeiter-Zeitung office, and he would supply them. The meeting 
then adjourned. 

"After the experience I had thus had with the party, I was sorry that I 
ever joined. I found that what good humor I had formerly possessed had 
been completely wiped out by my associations with the revolutionary party. 
I wanted now to join some good society, and I thought of some good ex- 
cuse for leaving the party. My opportunity came. My comrades wanted 
me to buy a supply of ammunition, as the ist of May was near at hand, but 
I found that there was not money enough in the treasury. The financial 
secretary had been very slow in delivering to me all the money he had col- 
lected, and I discovered that his love for the shining dollars was so great 
that he would let some of them fall through his fingers. I found out his 
dishonesty, and I brought it to light. On this account we became enemies, 
and sometimes he would rather have seen me dead than McCormick. One 
evening I stood in front of the bar at Thalia Hall with him just before tar- 
get practice. I was talking about something not in his favor. We finally 
came to hot words and then to blows. I let him have a few right-handers, 



and he drew his revolver and fired one shot, the ball passing close to my 
right ear and striking the wall. The proprietor of the saloon' took the 
revolver away from him, and he attacked me again with a rawhide [a billy], 
which he always carried. He struck me over the head, and I grabbed a 
chair and gave it to him savagely. He skipped out. Shortly after this I 
sent the money-box with Schrader to the Verein along with my written 
resignation. In that I explained that I did not want to associate with 
murderers and manslayers. It was accepted, and I was again a free man, 
rejecting every inducement except one to join their ranks again. This ex- 
ception grew out of H 
my own foolishness 
and happened when 
I attended the ill- 
fated meeting of 
May 2d. 

" This meeting 
on May ad was held 
on Emma Street. 
During the day, 
which was a pleas- 
ant one, I went out 
early for a walk. 
While I was absent 
some one called at 
my house and told 
my wife that I was 
wanted at No. 63 
Emma Street that 
even ing at ten 
o'clock. I returned 
home about 10:30 
o'clock the same 
morning, and as I 
did not know the 
hall, nor knew the 
person who had no- 
tified my wife, I 
proceeded to the 
number given. This 
visit was a most un- 
fortunate one for me. 
Entering the hall, I 
noticed the Northwest Side group and the second company of the Lehr und 
Wehr Verein. I was just on the point of leaving, when Schrader called me 
back, and, not liking to act like a coward, I remained. A person named 
Kistner acted as chairman. They wanted to admit a member who had been 
proposed by two members as true and faithful, but Engel objected, and the 
man had to leave the hall. They then proceeded to business, having first 
ascertained that the twenty or twenty-five persons present were in perfect 
security. Engel took the floor and sailed into the capitalists and the police. 
He said that they should, when an opportunity presented itself, imitate the 
Anarchist leaders when, at the Bohemian Turner Hall masquerade ball, they 


No. 63 Emma Street, where the Conspiracy " Plan" was first proposed by 
Engel. From a Photograph. 


had thrown pepper in the eyes of policemen who were present to make an 
attack on the turners, and he explained how that assault on their part had 
come very near costing him his life. But he had done it for the good of 
the cause. He then spoke of the labor troubles and said that now was the 
time to produce the revolution. It was unwise to let it pass. Then he 
proceeded to outline a plan for it, saying that, if any one had a better one 
to suggest, to say so. " 

Waller gives the details of the plan just as he gave it in court, and 
continues : 

"I could not advise any one to speak against the motion for the adop- 
tion of the plan, as he would have been dealt with accordingly. Breiten- 
feld stated subsequently at Thalia Hall that he would do everything in his 
power to carry out this plan and that he would not work for the next few 
days, and that on the day given he would be at No. 54 West Lake Street 
to make all the arrangements. 

"What happened on Monday at McCormick's is known. Spies hurried 
to write the ' Revenge ' circular, stating that six men had been killed, and 
put it into circulation. That day I was at No. 105 Wells Street, where the 
workingmen employed in Brunswick & Balke's factory held their meetings. 
I got home about six o'clock and had my supper, but I did not know then 
as to the conflict with the police at McCormick's. I did not feel like going 
to the meeting called for that evening at No. 54 West Lake Street. I had 
hardly been home thirty minutes when Clermont, of the second company, 
entered my room and asked : 

" ' Did you hear the news ? ' 

"'What?' I asked. 

'" From McCormick's,' he replied. 

" ' What then ? ' I asked. 

" 'Ten men were killed by the police, and more than twenty wounded,' 
he said. ' Now we must commence.' 

"I did not believe it at first, but when he showed me the 'Revenge' 
circular my blood shot up into my head and I went with him to the meet- 
ing. As we passed Engel's house we met him and Fischer, and they 
joined us. On the way to the meeting, Engel said that if any one wanted 
to see him they should take the rear door and enter, as he thought the 
detectives were watching his house. Having arrived at the hall, Breiten- 
feld called the revolutionary men down to the cellar, and to my surprise I 
was elected chairman." 

Waller then details the business that was there transacted, the story 
being identical with that he gave on the witness-stand, and alludes to his 
visit to Engel's house on his way to the Haymarket meeting on the even- 
ing of May 4. He had been previously asked by A. Krueger, Kraemer, 
and two others, who called at his own house while he was eating his 
supper, to go with them to Wicker Park, as they wanted to be at their post 
in response to the signal " Ruhe," but he declined to go with them. Wal- 
ler continues : 

"I went to Engel's. He was not at home, and we waited in a room 
'behind the store. There were two others there, one a member of the 


Northwest Side group, and the other I did not know. The first one went 
away to get some pepper, as he said, and returned again in a few minutes. 
. . . He said he was only waiting for the pills, meaning the bombs. 
I waited about five minutes, and during the time a young girl about ten or 
twelve years old put in an appearance, carrying a heavy parcel, which she 
handed to the man who had gone out for the pepper and who was waiting 
for 'pills.' I took the man to be her father. He disappeared behind a 
screen, and I walked out." 

Waller next gives the circumstances in connection with the Haymarket 
meeting precisely as he gave them in court, and reverts back to the meeting 
of Monday night at No. 54 Lake Street, referring to a speech made 
on that occasion by Clermont. That man, Waller says, spoke substantially 
as follows : " I expect to see about 20,000 or 25,000 people at the Hay 
market. The speeches should be very threatening and fierce so that the. 
police will be compelled to disperse the meeting. Then, when the police 
become engaged, we can carry out our purpose." Before this meeting came 
to order, Greif, the proprietor of the place, was around lighting the lamps, 
and while doing so he remarked, says Waller: "This is just the place for 
you conspirators." 

Among those expecting to do deeds of violence on the night of the Hay- 
market, at Wicker Park, was "Big" Krueger, and Waller mentions the fact 
that he met him the next day at noon. 

"Krueger show r ed me a revolver," says Waller, "and I told him that he 
had better leave it at home. He replied that he would not do it, as he 
intended to kill every one who came across his path, and he left. A few 
hours after he shot at a policeman and lost his life." 

Officer Madden was the officer thus assailed, and he immediately turned 
around and shot the Anarchist down in his tracks. 

In concluding his statement Waller refers to his arrest and says : 

" On the way to the station I made up my mind not to say a word. 
Arriving there, Capt. Schaack got to talking to me and put several ques- 
tions to me in the presence of several detectives. I noticed that telling lies 
would not do me any good, and the friendly and courteous treatment of the 
Captain made such an impression on my mind that I told, by and by, every- 
thing with a throbbing heart. I promised to repeat my statements before 
court, and I did so." 

OTTO LEHMAN was well known to the police by reputation through fre- 
quent mention of his name by fellow Anarchists, but he managed for some 
time to keep himself out of the way of a personal acquaintanceship with 
the force. He never did cherish admiration for policemen, and his dislike 
grew even more intense after he had learned that he was wanted. The 
sight of a blue-coat would drive him fairly wild, and the only way he could 
assuage his wrath was to take to his heels and run until his surcharged 
feelings had oozed out at the ends of his toes. He was a brave, defiant 
man in the presence of his comrades, and with his military bearing he 



seemed the very personification of courage. He had a great penchant for 
lager beer, and, while emptying glass after glass, he talked Anarchy to the 
great delight of his hearers. He was an enthusiastic attendant at all meet- 
ings of the fraternity, and always wanted the speakers to make their har- 
angues strong and incendiary. If one of them failed to threaten capitalists 
with dynamite and guns, he lost interest in the proceedings. In that case 
he would tilt his chair back and take a nap. The moment some one rasped 
the air with stinging words against capitalists and the police, Lehman 
would be on his feet and applaud vociferously. He would then adjourn to 
a saloon, fill himself up with lager and go home to dream of happy days 
when everybody was to be rich without labor. Some nights he would jump 
up in bed half asleep, this is the story of his fellow roomers, and shout : 

" Down with them ; shoot them ! 
Don't give them any quarter ! The world 
now is ours." 

His bed-companion, aroused by the 
demonstration, would take him by the 
collar and pull him down, after which he 
would sleep quite contentedly. This sort 
of exhibition was repeated after every 
meeting at which some new infernal 
machine had been spoken of, or some new 
torture for capitalists suggested. Such 
speeches made him strong in the faith, and 
so enthusiastic was he always that he 
managed to become quite a favorite with 
his fellows. In return for their admira- 
tion, he would spend his last. cent in buy- 
ing beer. His boarding-house was at No. 189 Hudson Avenue. 

Although this is only a two-story building, there were living in it at the 
time no less than eight families. That there were no more is no fault of 
the house. And such families ! Every one of them, from the youngest 
who could talk, to the oldest who could bear arms, was a turbulent Anar- 
chist. Lehman was always happy in such surroundings. Had he only had 
his wife and children there, his joy would have been as nearly complete as 
possible until all capitalists had been exterminated. Unfortunately his 
family were in Germany. He had left them there three years before. At 
that time he would have been pleased to bring them along with him had it 
not been for his haste to get out of Emperor William's dominions to escape 
the law of the land. 

In his new surroundings in America Lehman only waited for the day 
when millionaires would either "bite the dust" or capitulate by handing 
over their wealth to the Anarchists. He never for a moment doubted that 

From a Photograph. 


that day was almost at hand. Even after the Haymarket riot he had hope, 
but it vanished completely the moment he was within the grasp of the law. 
Of course, he did everything to save himself for another revolution by 
keeping away from the "hated police." Had it not been for his standing 
in Germany he would have returned there and waited until the excitement 
in Chicago had died out, and his comrades had fixed up 'another plan. He 
would have even gone to Canada, but he had never heard of it as a refuge 
for Anarchists. For a time he succeeded remarkably well in dodging us, as 
we had only a meager description of his appearance ; but on the 2oth of 
May he was seen by Officers Schuettler and Hoffman on the North Side. 
They did not know him at the time. Lehman, however, apears to have 
been suspicious of their movements, as there had recently been many 
inquiries for him in the locality. The moment Hoffman caught a glimpse 
of the slippery Anarchist, he remarked to his comrade : 

"I'll bet that is one of the cut-throats. We'll take him in on general 
principles, and we can soon find out where he belongs." 

The officers gradually approached him, but Lehman, suspecting their 
intentions, at once started on the run. He had run only half a block when 
he was captured, put in irons and taken to the station. On his arrival, I 
asked him his name. 

"I'll tell you my name, and that is all," replied Lehman, in a surly 
mood and with an air of bravado. " I am not ashamed of my name, no 
matter if I am poor. I am as good a man as Grant. Now, don't trouble me 
any more. I am closed, and you cannot open me with a crow-bar. Look 
at me and tell the newspapers you have seen me. I am ready to be locked 

" Otto," said I, "you have a brother named August, and he has a son by 
the name of Paul. That boy is a very good runner, and at the Haymarket, 
May 4, he was going to run and carry the news to outside men. The boy 
did run, but not with news for the waiting men. He kept running until he 
got out of town, and I know where he is. You will have him with you in a 
few days. So good-by, Otto ; I will see you about the first of June. Offi- 
cers, lock him up." 

Otto was accordingly escorted down stairs. He had no sooner b^een 
placed in a cell than the officers learned the location of his boarding-house 
at the number given. They at once repaired to the place and gave it a thor- 
ough overhauling. They learned that immediately after the Haymarket, 
and especially since officers had been frequently noticed in the locality, 
many of the occupants had disappeared in a great hurry, some even forget- 
ting the clean linen that hung in their back yards, and others neglecting to 
square their board bills. 

The officers searched the premises and found several loaded dynamite 
bombs, some showing conclusively that they had come from Lingg's factory. 


It was subsequently learned that Lingg had furnished them to Lehman 
one on the evening of May 4, at 58 Clybourn Avenue, and another shortly 
after, on the same street, near Larrabee. The bombs were all ready for 
use, and contained Lingg's extra strong explosive, almost doubly as power- 
ful as the ordinary commercial dynamite. 

Two days after his arrest, about eleven o'clock, Lehman was not in a 
very happy frame of mind. His dreams had not been pleasant, and the pos- 
sibility of hanging haunted him continually. He told the janitor that he 
wanted to see the Captain. I sent back word that I could not see him until 
the next day. Again in the afternoon he sent the janitor to say that he must 
see me at once, and that he would not speak so defiantly as he had done 
before. Otto was thereupon brought up. As he came in, he took off his 
hat and apologized for his rude behavior. After inviting the Anarchist to 
take a seat, I remarked : 

"You know what you are arrested for?" 

"Oh, yes," he replied. 

" Have you made up your mind, then, as to what you wish to say? " 

He answered in the affirmative. 

" Will you tell me all you know of the Anarchists ever since you became 
one of them ? " 

Assent being given, I continued : "Now, you must understand I know a 
great deal of this work myself." 

Otto said he so understood. 

"Well, I don't want you to lie to me, and I don't want you to lie about 
anybody else to benefit yourself. All you tell me must be true, and if I find 
that you conceal anything, I will consider you a liar and have nothing more 
to do with you." 

"Oh, yes," meekly and penitently replied Lehman, "I do agree with 
you on that point, and you will find me right. I will swear to all I say, and 
if I lie you can hang me in this station. But, Captain, I want something for 
telling the truth." 

"Well," I replied, "I will have the State's Attorney or his representa- 
tive here, and if he tells you to speak and promises to reward you, you can 
depend upon his word." 

In the presence of Assistant State's Attorney Furthmann, Otto at once 
unburdened his mind and related his knowledge of Anarchy in Chicago. 
He also testified to a fact, made apparent in my interviews with other pris- 
oners, that he, like others, had been carried away by " the d d Anarchist 

literature," as he expressed it, and that he now fully realized the utter folly 
of his past course. He had been told, he said, just as others had been told, 
by those who had lived in America for a long time, that this was a free coun- 
try, and there was no law to stop them. "You can see for yourself," they 
used to say to him, "they are all afraid of us. Nobody interferes with us. 
We have everything all our own way." 


"That sort of talk," said Lehman, "made me as bad as the rest of 

He had fully believed, as his friends had informed him, that it was legal 
to talk dynamite, and that they could form plans for murder with impunity 
and without molestation. Mr. Furthmann read and explained the law to 
him, when he said : 

" I am glad now that I have been arrested." 

And he demonstrated the sincerity of his statement by furnishing strong 
evidence against all the Anarchist leaders that he knew. He was kept in 
confinement until after the trial and then released by order of the State's 
Attorney. He was forty years of age, a carpenter by occupation, and ever 
since his release he has attended to work and means to live until a good 
age to make amends for his past life. 

The statement he gave me was as follows :' 

" I belong to the armed section of the International Carpenters' group. 
Whenever we had a meeting, the armed section remained five minutes 
later. To my group belonged myself, my brother, William Hageman, 
who lives on Rees Street, over Lehman's grocery store, also Hageman's 
brother, who was boarding at the same place, Ernst Niendorf, on Groger 
Street, Waller, William Seliger, John Thielen and Louis Lingg, all of the 
North Side group ; also Abraham Hermann, Lorenz Hermann, Ernst Hub- 
ner, Charley Bock and his brother, William Lange, Michael Schwab, Bal- 
thasar Rau, Rudolph Schnaubelt, Fischer and Huber. I attended a meet- 
ing, May 3, at 71 West Lake Street, at nine o'clock. I heard Louis Lingg 
speak there, also Schwab. I saw the circular there which called for revenge 
and to arms. Waller, or Zoller, opened the meeting as chairman. Lingg 
said at the meeting that they must arm themselves and attend the meeting 
at the Haymarket to get revenge for those workingmen who were killed at 
McCormick's factory that day by the police. I also heard Schwab urge them 
to arm themselves and seek revenge on the police. I heard one man call 
out that all armed men present should go to Greif's Hall, 54 West Lake 
Street, that a meeting would be held there in the basement. I went there, 
as also did my brother Gustav, the two Hagemans, Louis Lingg, Schnau- 
belt, Breitenfeld, John Thielen and Hubner. The meeting occurred at 54 
West Lake Street. I was there during the whole session. My brother was 
on the outside watching. I heard the speaker say that there would be a 
meeting at the Haymarket and that they expected a big crowd there, which 
would give them a chance to use their arms. He also said that the police 
would no doubt come there to disperse them. If they refused to go, the 
police would shoot, and they would have a good chance to shoot at them. 
The speakers at that meeting would be Spies, Fielden and Parsons. The 
North Side armed group would meet at Neff's Hall, 58 Clybourn Avenue, 
on Tuesday night, and they were to be ready with their arms and wait for 
orders. The Northwest Side group would also be ready and wait for 
orders. As soon as there was trouble at the Haymarket, they would be at 
Wicker Park ready for action. I heard the word ' Ruhe' spoken of at that 
meeting in the basement. If that word appeared in the paper the 
Arbeit er-Zeitung the next day, it would mean a revolution, and the attack 
on the police would be made that night. <Y, komme,' was a sign pub- 


lished in the Arbeiter-Zeitung, meaning that there would be a meeting of the 
armed men. When I saw that revenge circular at No. 71 West Lake 
Street, it excited me very much and brought me to the meeting at 54 West 
Lake Street. I saw Adolph Fischer at that meeting. He made an address 
to us calling us to arms and urged that we should take revenge on the 
capitalists and the officers who had killed our brother workingmen on that 
day at McCormick's. This man Fischer, whose picture has just been 
shown me by the Captain, is the person who said he would see that circulars 
were printed for the Haymarket meeting next day. The word ' Ruhe ' was 
our signal word, adopted by the meeting that night at 54 West Lake Street, 
to attack the police. I heard some one say at the meeting that we should 
also attack the police station-houses and the police who might be within. 
They should make dynamite bombs and have them ready to throw into the 
stations. Lingg said : ' I will have the dynamite and bombs ready to be 
used when called for.' I did not hear of any one else saying or offering to 
furnish dynamite bombs. I was about fifteen feet away from Lingg when 
he made the remark. Then I left the meeting and the hall. The unani- 
mous understanding among us all was that all who desired bombs must go 
to Lingg and get them. Arid we did not look to any one else for them. It 
was further stated at the meeting that, in case we should see a patrol wagon 
on the night of the attack, we should destroy the wagon, the horses and the 
officers, so that they could not render assistance to the officers at the Hay- 
market. On Tuesday evening, May 4, at nine o'clock, I went to Neff's Hall, 
58 Clybourn Avenue, and there I met both Hermanns, Rau, the Hagemans, 
Bock, Seliger and Lingg. Lingg gave me some of those long dynamite 
bombs and said : ' Here, you take this and use it.' He then started away. 
I heard that night Tuesday at eleven o'clock, at Ernst Grau's saloon, that 
there had been some shooting that night, that a bomb had been thrown and 
that many were killed and wounded at the Haymarket. A tall man came 
into Neff's Hall that night, May 4, at eleven o'clock, and told us about the 
shooting, the explosion of the bomb and the killing of the people. His clothes 
were all covered with mud, and he appeared greatly excited. He said : 
'You are having a good time here drinking beer. See how I look. I was 
over to the Haymarket and lost my revolvers.' His name is August. He 
is the man about thirty years of age, five feet ten inches tall, smooth face or 
a slight mustache, and is a bricklayer by occupation. [This was August 
Groge.] The dynamite bomb I had was made with a gas-pipe. My state- 
ment I will swear to at any time I am called upon." 

The bomb he speaks of was among those found by Officer Hoffman at 
No. 189 Hudson Avenue. 

GUSTAV LEHMAN was arrested on the same day May 20 with his 
brother Otto, only a little earlier in the morning. He was working as a 
carpenter, on a new building at the southwest corner of Sedgwick and 
Starr Streets, when Officers Schuettler and Hoffman accosted him, and his 
home at the time was at No. 41 Fremont Street, in the basement of a small 
building. He had a poor, sickly wife and six children. His wife, who 
subsequently died in the County Hospital, in July, 1888, when she was 
notified of his arrest, said : 



"Well, I am very sorry for my dear husband, but now my words are 
coming true. He would take the last cent out of the house and run to 
meetings every night. Instead of leaving the money at home to buy 
clothing with for the children and medicine for myself, he would spend the 
last cent in saloons. At times when I heard him and others talk about 
capitalists, about an equal division of everything, I thought it all very 
foolish, and I would tell my husband so. The only answer he would give 
me was : 

"'Oh, you old women don't know anything. You come to our meetings, 
and there you will be enlightened and learn how we are going to have 
things before long.' 

" I often told him, ' You will have things so that you all will be locked up 
and beg for mercy and be glad to go to work and let other people alone.' 
One day he didn't work ; he wanted to 
go to a meeting on the West Side. I 
reasoned with him and asked him to 
stay at home. I was afraid they would 
all be arrested for their foolish under- 
takings. Gustav got mad at me and 
said : 

" 'Now is our time or never. Before 
one month is over we will have things 
our own way. We have already got the 
capitalists, the militia and the police 
trembling in their boots. We are pre- 
pared, and, as soon as we strike the first 
blow, they will run away. Those that 
don't run we will kill. We don't expect 
to give them quarter. ' ' 

The poor woman had clearly fore- 
seen the outcome, and with rare judg- 
ment and fine instinct, in spite of her lowly station in life, she had 
sought early and late to instill into her husband's mind some practical 
ideas of life. Within the limited lines of her observation she had grasped 
the problem of social existence, its struggles, its sufferings and its rewards, 
and she intuitively knew that such changes as her husband and others of his 
ilk desired could never be brought about by revolution in a free country. 
She loved her husband tenderly, and would have made any sacrifice for him. 
But he, rather than forego attendance at a single meeting, preferred that 
wife and children should surfer want. He kept his family in constant sus- 
pense and ranted like a madman. 

Lehman was a man about forty-five years of age, weighed two hundred 
pounds, and, although he had only the use of one eye, he was a good mechanic. 

From a Photograph. 


When he was brought to the station he was asked his name. 

"I don't give any name," he answered, somewhat indignantly. 

"Why not? " asked I, in a pacific tone of voice. 

"Because," was the gruff answer, "I don't want anything to do with 
you. " 

" Oh, you don't. I am pleased to make your acquaintance. We don't 
find such a great man as you are every day. Officer, take this man to a 
safe place down stairs and leave him there until we want him again." 

"Well, you don't scare me any," thundered the burly Lehman. 

"Well, now, we don't want to scare you," retorted I pleasantly, "but I 
thought you needed rest. You won't feel so tired when you see us again. 
You will find more of your friends down stairs. If you talk to any one, 
you will be taken away from here and sent to the Desplaines Street Station." 

At the last remark Lehman winced perceptibly. The name of the Des- 
plaines Street Station grated harshly on his ear, and he evidently felt that I 
had some surprise in store for him. He could have lightly passed by any 
other thrusts, but this nettled him. It was made for a purpose. I knew 
that all Anarchists had an intense hatred for that station, and greater than 
their hatred of the place was their anger against Bonfield, who had charge 
of it. They would rather suffer torments anywhere else than be cast into 
a cell in that place. 

But Lehman shortly recovered his equanimity, and, assuming a stolid 
indifference to his surroundings, remarked : 

" If you think you can make me 'squeal,' you are badly mistaken." 

' ' Oh, no ; we don't want you to ' squeal, ' " said I. " We are rather afraid 
you will beg to be allowed to come here and sit on your knees to tell us all 
you know about making bombs and dynamite all about your meetings 
how often you have presided at meetings and how much dynamite you got from 
Lingg ; and to tell us all about your brother, and where your son is hiding 
now, and where you placed the bombs that you carried around in your 
pocket on May 4; how bad a headache you had after filling the bombs with 
dynamite at Seliger's house. You see, August, we simply want to call your 
attention to all these little things that's all." 

This charge proved a little too strong for the doughty Lehman. He had 
kept up his courage well, but the rapidity of the assault, the dark secrets 
hinted at and the insinuations made had taxed his powers of resistance 
almost beyond endurance. His facial muscles twitched, and for a moment 
he wrestled with himself. He asked for a glass of water, and, quaffing its 
contents to the last drop, he rallied and straightened himself as if deter- 
mined to hold out in spite of his nerves. Recovering his breath and strug- 
gling with his emotions, he said : 

" If you have the power to hang me, do so. I have belonged to the 
cause so long that I will die before I reveal anything." 


That was sufficient. Lehman was taken down stairs and locked up. The 
very next morning he sent the janitor to my office with a request to see me. 
I told the janitor that I was very busy and could not be interrupted unless 
Lehman had something very important to communicate. To this Lehman re- 
plied that he had discovered that there were other men locked up down 
stairs, and he was satisfied that if they had a chance they would "squeal." 
Would I accord him an interview? He was brought up,, and, in the pres- 
ence of Assistant State's Attorney Furthmann and the officers, proceeded to 
unfold a very remarkable tale. He began very cautiously, evidently follow- 
ing the instructions laid down in John Host's book for Anarchists in trouble, 
but, as the questions were plied upon him, he soon discovered that he was in 
a very "tight box." He finally asked if there was any prospect of his be- 
ing hung. He was informed that he must tell all he knew, and all must be 
true ; that we did not want him to try to lie himself out of his trouble or tell 
a falsehood against an innocent man. Probably he would be called on to 
testify in court, and, of course, if he was a witness for the State, he would 
not be hanged. 

" I do trust you men," he said, and revealed all the secrets that he knew, 
without reserve as to his own deeds and the experiences he had had with the 
other Anarchists. His statement gave the officers important points. 

After the trial, Lehman declared he had no more use for Anarchy. He 
became a good husband and a kind father. In 1889 he married again, and,, 
strange to say, Officer Nordrum acted as ' best man " at the ceremony. 
The nature of Gustav's testimony appears in the evidence he gave at the 

ABRAHAM HERMANN was a man of different temperament ; but, after his 
arrest, he showed a somewhat similar disposition as to secretiveness and 
stubbornness. He was arrested on the evening of May 10 at eight o'clock. 
He lived at No. 25 Clybourn Avenue. He was about thirty-four years of 
age, medium build, and weighed about 185 pounds. He was of dark com- 
plexion, wore a full black beard, had sharp, piercing eyes, and from think- 
ing much on Anarchy, had come to present a sickly appearance. He did 
not look at all vicious, however, and was very quiet in his manner. He was 
a good machinist and fully conversant with the German language. In con- 
versation he was slow and deliberate, evidently thinking twice before speak- 

At the time Abraham was taken in charge, his brother Lorenz was also 
arrested. Abraham's house had been searched a week before, and two 
rifles had been found and taken to the station. When the officers met the 
brothers, they were told to come to the station to identify their property, 
and when they set foot inside my office they were notified that they were 
under arrest. They manifested no surprise. Abraham was asked if he had 
anything to say. He wanted to know what about, and when informed that 


we wanted information about Anarchy, he slowly replied that he "did not 
know any Anarchists." 

"You can probably tell us something about how to drill Anarchists and 
how much profit you made on the rifles, or the 44-caliber Remington 
revolvers ; or perhaps tell us how many men you had in your command on 
the night of the 4th of May around this station, and tell us about the 

ZEPF'S HALL. From a Photograph. 

trouble you had with Lingg in Neff's Hall at eleven o'clock, May 4th, after 
the explosion of the bomb at the Haymarket. " 

I could have put a few more queries, but I stopped to watch the effect. 
Abraham's eyes bulged out for a moment in surprise, but not a word did he 
have to say. He was at once locked up, and for nearly three days betrayed 
no signs of weakening. On the third day he showed a little anxiety and 
expressed a desire to see me. He was brought up, but, getting into a com- 
fortable room, where the light of day made all surroundings cheerful, he 
became rather buoyant and seemed loth to depress the spirits of others 
by unfolding harrowing tales of Anarchistic plots. I tried to engage him 
in conversation, but the answers came in monosyllables and with a sort of 


guttural emphasis. The situation was becoming very tiresome. I thought 
Abraham had suddenly been seized with the lockjaw, but determined to 
fathom the man's mind. I urged him not to be guided by Most's book, 
we understood that, but to speak out if he had any information to give. 
If he had nothing to impart, to say so. He promptly saw that the situa- 
tion was growing critical, and that, if he still refrained from speaking, 
possibly his last chance for saving himself might be gone. He relaxed the 
muscles of his face, opened his lips and prepared to talk. It was a great 
effort, but he evidently realized that something must be done. 

"Well," he finally drawled out, "I don't know what to tell you. It 
seems to me you people know about everything and have things down as 
correctly as I can give them to you. And you know all about me, too. I 
say this for myself : I don't know anything about the laws of the country. 
I have been told by people that ought to know better, that for what we 
were doing there was no law. I now see my mistake." 

Hermann then gave information on himself and others, and stated that 
he had never liked Lingg. Lingg, he remarked, was the most rabid Anar- 
chist he had ever seen, and he almost believed that the man had a dyna- 
mite bomb in his head. He himself had never had anything to say in 
favor of the use of dynamite. He was a military man, and believed in the 
use of rifles. He had held that all the Anarchists should be well drilled 
and that no man should carry arms unless he knew how to use them. He 
was opposed to throwing stones or fighting in the streets. He believed in 
swords and good riflemen, and he was one of that class. His idea was 
never to undertake anything until fully prepared, and when they were pre- 
pared to let their work show the result. 

During the interview he was very cautious in his statements, but he did 
not spare the leaders. At the same time he would not implicate any one 
of no special consequence in the order. His statement, however, was as 
sweeping as it was surprising. He was implicity believed by the officers, 
as candor and earnestness were manifest in his disclosures. 

Hermann was indicted by the grand jury, but after he had been in custody 
for awhile he was released by order of the State's Attorney. At the beginning 
of the trial he was brought in again and confined until its termination. He 
was then given his liberty. He has since become an industrious man, and 
has only had two or three relapses by attending some of the open, public 
meetings. He now declares, however, that he is through with Anarchy. 

What he had to say to Assistant State's Attorney Furthmann, myself and 
the officers was this : 

"I have belonged to the North Side armed group since 1883. The 
members of the group are as follows : Schwab, Rau, Huber, Neebe, the 
two Lehmans, Thielen, Lingg, Hubner, Seliger, Lange, Schnaubelt, Lorenz 
Hermann, Abraham Hermann, the two Hagemans, Heyman, Niendorf and 


Charley Bock. We were about forty men strong on the North Side. I do 
not know anything about the word ' Ruhe.' On Monday, May 3, at 9 P.M., 
I attended a meeting of the metal-workers at Seamen's Hall, on Randolph, 
near Jefferson Street. I saw August Spies. He was passing and handing 
out some of the circulars that called for revenge upon the law and the 
police. Spies was at the meeting when I got there, and he had a handful of 
those circulars. I saw Spies busying himself around the meeting talking 
to the people. The secretary of this meeting was a man named Hahne- 
man. Lange was president. I belong to the North Side branch of the 
same union. But this was a general meeting. I only knew a few of the 
members present. The president of the meeting works for a firm on 
Wabash Avenue a brass-finisher named Andrew or Andre. When I left 
this meeting at ten o'clock I went to 54 West Lake Street. As I came into 
the saloon some one said that there was a meeting down stairs. I went 
down Waller was president of that meeting. I also saw Fischer there. 
I know Schnaubelt. He was there. When the question came up about 
printing the circulars for the Haymarket meeting, Fischer said that he 
would see to it. Some one suggested that letters should be sent to the 
armed people or members in surrounding cities near Chicago, asking them 
to attend to the police and militia there, so that they could not come to the 
assistance of the officers or police of this city. On my opposition the prop- 
osition was dropped. I saw Hubner and Lingg at that meeting. As I 
came in some one said, 'Lingg is going to attend to that.' I understood 
it to mean furnishing the dynamite bombs. I saw the meeting was intended 
for mischief, and I left the place. At a meeting May 4, at 8:30 P.M., in 
the hall in the rear of Neff's saloon, 58 Clybourn Avenue, I heard that the 
plan of operation decided upon was the same as given to the armed men at 
54 West Lake Street. So far as I remember the plan, it was something like 
this : Some of the armed men were to go to the police stations, and, if the 
police were called out, to throw dynamite bombs among them, set the houses 
on fire and keep the police on the North Side. As far as I know, the North- 
west Side group had a similar plan. Lingg was not there at this time. 
All members present were anxious to see him come, waiting for bombs. I 
was in the hall about an hour. I went back again the same evening May 
4 about eleven o'clock. The first I heard of any trouble was about 10:30. 
A man whose name is Anton Hirschberger came into the saloon and told 
us that there had been a riot at the Haymarket. At the same time a tall 
man came in and said he had been at the riot, that a lot of bullets flew 
around them, a bomb had exploded, and that either some one had stolen his 
revolver or he had lost it. Then Neff said he was going to close up his 
place, the hour being eleven o'clock. On Wednesday, May 5, I met Lingg 
and Seliger at that place. I was surprised at meeting Lingg there, because 
I thought then that he ought to have been locked up. Lingg spoke to me 
and said, 'You are nice cowards.' I replied that he had better keep his 
mouth shut, as he was the cause of the whole affair. Hubner and I were 
there to attend a meeting of our people to be held on the quiet in Lincoln 
Park. We were to meet at the park because we expected it would not be 
safe to hold it anywhere else. What led me to think that Lingg ought to have 
been locked up was because he was always advocating the use of dynamite 
and bombs. That a bomb had been thrown was a fact, and I thought Lingg 
ought to have been arrested for it." 



On May 31, Hermann made another statement, as follows : 
" I know August Spies. He is the editor of the Arbeiter-Zeitung of this 
city. I knew him to write several articles on revolution. I was elected as 
an agent at a general meeting to procure and sell arms. This was in Octo- 
ber last 1885. Balthasar Rau was chairman of that meeting. We had 
several men as a committee. They were called the Bureau of Information. 
It was composed of Parsons, from the English section ; Charles Bock, Ger- 
man, also assistant secretary to Rau ; Hirschberger, French, and Miko- 
landa, Bohemian. Every Anarchist looked to that bureau for information. 
I used to get my guns from New York, from a man named Seeger. He lives 
on Third Avenue. He was the middleman between me and the factory 

where the arms were 
made. I got twenty- 
five revolvers last 
February. They were 
shipped direct to me 
at No. 25 Clybourn 
Avenue. I sold them 
all at cost price to 
members. That was 
$6.50. The last two 
revolvers I sold May 
3, 1886 one to a 
man named Asher, 
and the other to 
August, a bricklayer. 
Before that I sold one 
revolver to Schnau- 
belt, one to Lingg 
and one to Seliger. 
It was Schnaubelt 
who proposed at the 
meeting held at 54. 
West Lake Street, 
^T May 3, to notify out- 
side cities, but I told 
him it was all non- 
sense. About two 
weeks before this 
meeting I met Brei- 

No. 703 Milwaukee Avenue. From a Photograph. 

tenfeld in a saloon, and said that I had often heard this letter ' Y,' and I was 
bound to find out its meaning when it appeared in the Arbeiter-Zeitung. 
Breitenfeld said that it meant a meeting of the armed men, and told me to 
wait and he would get me into the meeting. I waited for a long time 
about an hour. Then he came out, and I was admitted with him. I was 
in the meeting with him for an hour, and then it adjourned. I have known 
Lingg for six months. At the meeting at 54 West Lake Street on the 
evening of May 3, it was supposed then that the police would interfere 
at the Haymarket, and then there would be a chance for a riot. Four 
members of the North Side group were detailed at that meeting as spies. 
If the riot should be a failure and we should get beaten by the police, our 
gathering-places after that would be at Center Park, Humboldt Park, St. 


Michael's Church, Lincoln Park and Wicker Park. The signal of attack 
after the riot had commenced was to be an illumination of the heavens by 
red fires. Some one asked for dynamite, and he was answered that Lingg 
would furnish the stuff. The different spies detailed at that meeting were 
to hold a meeting the next day, each division for itself, and afterwards in 
a body at Zepf's Hall, to perfect all arrangements for the riot. I accused 
Lingg of making dynamite bombs, and told him that if any trouble grew 
out of it, it would be on his account. He called me a coward. I knew 
that Lingg was in trouble in Philadelphia shortly before he left there." 

LOREXZ HERMANN was twenty-six years of age, of slim build, with a very 
sallow face, and apparentlx* a consumptive. His occupation was that of a 
brass-molder, and he was a good workman. On his arrival at the station he 
expressed great surprise at the impudence of the officers in compelling him 
to come against his wilL He was asked his name, and he gave it. When 
requested to spell it, he said he did not know how ; all he knew was that it 
was Lorenz Hermann. Being questioned with reference to Anarch}*, he re- 
plied that he did not know anything about it, and when accused of having 
taken part in the revolutionary plot, he said he had not taken as great a part 
in it as his brother had. He soon discovered that the police had a great 
deal of information about his brother, and then he changed his tactics by 
trying to smooth things over for Abraham. 

"My brother," he said, "is married and has a f amily. I am single. I 
want to see my brother out of this trouble ; no matter about me." 
"Well, then," I interposed, "why not tell us something? " 
"Me ? " asked Lorenz. " I don't know anything to tell." 
He had evidently changed his mind on the spur of the moment, and he 
grew exceedingly reticent. 

" Well," said I, " I will tell you something then. I will call your attention 
to May 4, between the hours of 8:30 and 10:30 P.M. You were around this 
station with about nineteen other men, and among them was your brother. 
You were to throw bombs into the patrol wagon in case the police were 
called out to go to the West Side to assist the police at the Haymarket, but 
you remained a little too long in a saloon on Clark Street. When you came 
out and reached the corner of Superior Street and La Salle Avenue, you saw 
three patrol wagons loaded with police going south on LaSalle Avenue, but 
3 r ou were not near enough to throw a bomb. This made you very angry. 
Then some of you went to Moody 's church and remained there for some 
time. When you finally saw so many policemen coming to the station you 
all got scared and went to the hall at 58 Clybourn Avenue. Oh, by the way, 
which route did you take on leaving the station? Did you go to the Hay- 
market or to Neff's Hall ? " 

"I was at the Haymarket," replied Lorenz. 

" Is it not true all that I told you about the station ?" 

"Yes, that is true," responded Lorenz. "Some one told me about it." 



"Who told you?" 

" I don't know." 

"You lie," said I. " You must tell us who ; that is the man we are after." 

Seeing that he was gradually being cornered by his evasive replies, he 
put on a bold front to the whole matter and answered : 

" Well, I was there myself. I did not stay very long, and from there I 
went to the Haymarket. I think Hageman and I went together." 

Further questioning only brought out sullen responses, with very meager 
information, but, after being allowed to think the matter over, he finally 
concluded to make a clean breast of it. He was kept busy with explana- 
tions for some time, and he gave me some very pointed information. He 
was indicted by the grand jury and afterwards released by order of the 
State's Attorney. Lorenz has never been heard of since, but it is supposed 
he is now leading a quiet life and proving himself a better man. 

His statement, among other things corroborative of what others had 
divulged, contains the following : 

" At a meeting held at 58 Clybourn Avenue, I heard Engel say that 
if they wanted to make bombs they could find plenty of gas-pipe on the 
West Side, in the city yards, near the Chicago Avenue bridge, and then if 
they wanted to learn how to make them they could come to him. All that 
was necessary was to cut the pipes up into lengths of six or eight inches, 
fill them with dynamite and put a wooden plug at each end. He had with 
him at the time his daughter, who was about fifteen or sixteen years of age. 
I saw Hirschberger, Hageman and Charles Bock at eleven o'clock on the 
evening of Tuesday, May 4, in Neff's place, at 58 Clybourn Avenue. Hirsch- 
berger told those present about the riot on the W T est Side. I was at the 
Haymarket meeting in the company of Hageman, the carpenter. Two men 
stood close together near me, and they looked suspicious. I was there at 
the time the police came up. I got frightened and ran away. I ran with- 
out stopping till I reached Neff's place, on the North Side. I found my 
brother there, and I told him about the throwing of the bomb, its explosion 
and what happened. I did not want to get mixed up in the affair, and that 
is the reason I declined to speak at first. I belonged to the armed men of 
the North Side. The revolvers and guns my brother sold he got from a 
factory in New York. He sold about twelve guns to the Socialists. He sold 
a box full of revolvers, about twenty in a box, for $6.90 a piece. For seven 
months my brother acted as agent, under appointment, to procure and sell 
guns and revolvers." 


Pushing the Anarchists A Scene on a Street-car How Herman 

Muntzenberg Gave Himself Away The Secret Signal "D n the Informers" A 

Satchelful of Bombs More about Engel's Murderous Plan Drilling the Lehr und 
Wehr Verein Breitenfeld's Cowardice An Anarchist Judas The Hagemans 
Dynamite in Gas-pipe An Admirer of Lingg A Scheme to Remove the Author The 
Hospitalities of the Police Station Mr. Jebolinski's Indignation A Bogus Milkman 
An Unwilling Visitor Mistaken for a Detective An Eccentric Prisoner Division 
of Labor at the Dynamite Factory Clermont's Dilemma The Arrangements for the 

THE Anarchists, both in and out of prison, had begun to discover about 
this time that there was a law in the land, and that its majesty would 
be vindicated. They were confronted with stubborn, serious facts, and 
they realized that they were in a world of perplexities. They had been 
circumvented at every step in their efforts at concealment, and their plot 
had been revealed in its most essential parts. Their leaders had been 
gathered in, and their comrades were being arrested every day. Cunning 
and shrewd as they supposed themselves to be, they had discovered that 
society was equal to the task of probing their secrets. At first they had 
assumed an air of bravado and indifference, but, seeing how easily their 
bluff could be called and how closely we had the record of each, they real- 
ized that evasion or silence was not calculated either to keep their necks 
out of the halter or to save them from the penitentiary. Those arrested 
nearly all turned craven cowards, and this situation of affairs did not con- 
tribute to the comfort of those still outside, who were in momentary dread 
of apprehension. Arrest followed arrest, and Mr. Furthmann and I were 
kept exceedingly busy in directing the taking of confessions and assimilat- 
ing the material for future use. Still the good work went on. 

The first victim, after the Hermann brothers, to fall under police control 
was Herman Muntzenberg. He was arrested on the evening of May 20, 
at eight o'clock, and the circumstances attending his arrest were somewhat 
peculiar. On the evening in question, Officers Schuettler and Hoffman 
were transferring the Hermann brothers from the Larrabee Street Station 
to the Chicago Avenue Station. They boarded an open street-car with 
their prisoners, whom they placed on a rear seat facing front, stationing 
themselves immediately behind on the platform. In the middle of the car, 
facing to the rear, sat a stranger. Presently the officers noticed that the 
man was making signs to the Hermanns. In response, Lorenz Hermann 
placed his right hand over his mouth. This was followed by another sign 
from the stranger. Officer Schuettler recognized the fact that the man 
was a friend of the Hermanns, and he requested the prisoners not to divulge 
the officers' identity. The stranger seemed to be in doubt about some- 


thing, left his seat, and, placing himself at the side of Abraham Hermann, 
started a conversation. He appeared to be an old acquaintance. This 
was sufficient for the officers. When the car reached the corner of Wells 
Street and Chicago Avenue, the stranger was about to leave. He was 
quietly told by the officers not to trouble himself just then to get off the car, 
but to keep his seat a little while longer. Naturally the man was surprised 
at this request of men whom he did not know, and indignantly declined to 
ride any farther. The officers promptly told him to consider himself under 
arrest and not to move if he valued his life. They had in the meantime recog- 
nized the man as the little fellow who had carried the satchel filled with 
dynamite bombs to Neff's Hall, along with 
Lingg. It was Herman Muntzenberg. 

The three prisoners were taken to the 
station, and Muntzenberg was locked up 
by himself over night. The next day he 
was brought into my office. The density 
of his ignorance respecting Anarchy or 
Anarchists was astonishing. Like the rest, 
he absolutely knew nothing. Some days 
afterwards, however, he took a different 
view of things. A confession was looked 
for, and he was given an opportunity. 

" I see everybody is in trouble," Munt- 
zenberg began dolefully. " I am in for it 
myself. I cannot help anybody; nobody 
can help me." 

He hesitated, as if trying to decide 
what he should do, but finally, nerving 
himself, he continued : 

" I will bear my own trouble. I will hurt no one else." 

"Ah," said I, "there is Hermann, for instance ; there are other people also 
who have given you away. They have all professed to be your friends in 
times past, and now they are trying to save their own necks and hang you. 
So you want to remain silent under their charges ? Have you nothing to tell 
on the others? " 

" That would do me no good," answered Muntzenberg. 

"Then," said I, " what have you to say about yourself ? " 

"You don't know the least thing about me," defiantly remarked the little 

" Probably you had such a bad headache from the smell of dynamite that 
you can't remember anything." 

"Who told you I had a headache ? " broke in Muntzenberg, now intensely 

From a Photograph. 


"Were you not afraid," I continued, not heeding the interruption, "that 
you would fall into the basement when you sat on the iron railing at the corner 
of North Avenue and Larrabee Street, near the police station, or did you 
feel confident that the bombs you had in your pocket would hold you in your 
place? Another thing you are not in the habit of smoking cigars. Did 
they make you sick ? " 

Muntzenberg had remained somewhat passive up to this last shot, but he 
suddenly showed there was a good deal of vitality in him. His eyes flashed 
with excitement, and he was all attention. 

" By the way, " I went on, " how much weight can you carry ? " 

"What do you mean? " interposed the anxious listener. 

" I mean how much did that gray satchel weigh that you carried to 58 Cly- 
bourn Avenue May 4, about eight o'clock ? " 

" D n the informers," ejaculated the now irate little Anarchist. " Give 

me an hour to think matters over and call me again. " 

He was sent back to his cell, and on the expiration of two hours he was 
brought back. He entered the office very meekly, and at once said : 

" Captain, I see it is no use for me to be stubborn. Will you treat me like 
the others, if I tell all I have seen and what I have done myself ? " 

" I promise you the same right and privilege." 

Muntzenberg made his statement and was released by order of the State's 
Attorney. He was a German, twenty-eight years old, five feet seven inches 
tall, stoutly built, with large head and eyes, and followed the trade of a 
blacksmith. At the time of his arrest he lived at No. 95 North Wells 
Street. On his release he promised to testify whenever wanted, but about 
the middle of the trial he took a leave of absence and has never been seen 
since. Once it was reported that he was dead, but the report could not be 
verified. Muntzenberg was a warm admirer of Lingg, Spies and Engel, 
and a persistent woiker for their cause. He often lost several days' work in 
a week to saunter out into the country, selling Most's books and telling people 
to arm themselves. He earned good wages when he worked, and spent it 
all for Anarchy. Like others, he acknowledged that he had been led astray 
by incendiary literature. His statement was as follows: 

"On May 4, about eight o'clock, I was sent to meet two men who 
carried a satchel filled with dynamite shells or bombs. I met them about 
a block from Thiiringer Hall, 58 Clybourn Avenue. I told them that I had 
been asked to meet them and help carry the satchel. They said, 'All. right.' 
I took it from them, put it on my shoulder and carried it to the hall. The 
satchel weighed about thirty pounds. In the afternoon of that day, about 
four o'clock, I came to the North Side and went to Hubner's house, No. n 
Mohawk Street. He was not at home. I went out to look for him. I have 
known him for some time. I found him. The second time I wanted to 
see him I went to his house and found him at home in his room making 
transparencies for that night's meeting at the Haymarket. He took lunch 
then, and after that we went to Seliger's house, No. 442 Sedgwick Street. 


Reaching there, Hubner told Lingg and Seliger that I was his friend and 
all right. In the room of Lingg I saw two guns and two revolvers. Seli- 
ger was filling the bombs with dynamite. Lingg was cutting the fuse. 
One of them asked me if I had any sores on my hand. I said no. 'Then,' 
they said, 'you can help us.' My task was to fill in with dynamite the 
long gas-pipe shells. I filled six or eight shells or bombs. My head com- 
menced to ache from the smell of the dynamite, so that I could not work 
any longer. Hubner also worked, putting caps on the fuse. I saw three 
or four men in the house at the time. I saw about ten round lead bombs on 
the bed, all empty. After they were finished they were put under the bed. I 
noticed about sixteen of the long gas-pipe shells or bombs about the room. 
At dark Hubner and I went to Neff's Hall. Before leaving I saw one of 
the two, Lingg or Seliger, bring in a satchel and empty it of dirty clothes. 
As we were approaching the hall, Hubner asked me to see if they were 
coming. I went to see, and met them in the alley near the street. Both 
were carrying the satchel, each having hold of the ends of the handles on 
the satchel. I asked if I should help them. They answered yes. As they 
were tall men, I could not carry it with either one, and so I put it on my 
shoulder and carried it myself. I took it into the rear hall back of the 
saloon. After a little while one of them asked me where I had placed the 
satchel. I told him. He said that was not the right place and asked me 
to bring it back. So I went after it and put it into the narrow hall-way. 
The satchel was two feet long, eighteen inches high and sixteen inches 
wide. It was covered with gray canvas. It weighed about thirty pounds. 
When I left Seliger's house at dark, I took along with me three long bombs. 
I did so because one of the men there told me to do so. I knew they were 
bombs in the satchel when I carried them. Some one passed us on the 
street as we were going to the hall. Lingg said : ' Those are heavy tools,' 
meaning the contents of the satchel, to throw the party we met off his 
guard. I threw the three bombs I had into the lake on my way to Pullman, 
because I learned they were dangerous and I did not want them any 
longer. I saw at Neff's Hall that night, May 4, a crowd of men together 
for a while, and then they began to part. They went away in groups of 
five or six. They all went on Clybourn Avenue to Larrabee Street. As 
we got to Larrabee Street, they all separated and spread on Larrabee 
Street. I went up to North Avenue and Larrabee Street to the police 
station with a strange man. I remained there for some time. I saw Seli- 
ger and Lingg near the station, going north on Larrabee Street. When I 
was at Seliger's house one of the five men present said to me to throw 
bombs into the police station to kill the police, and if any patrol wagons 
escaped and came out to throw bombs into the wagons among the officers 
and shoot the horses. This was for the purpose of preventing them from 
giving assistance to each other. I smoked a cigar that night so that I 
would have a fire ready to light the bombs with and throw them if neces- 
sary. I only smoke cigars on Sundays, and, as I am not accustomed to 
smoke much, the cigar made me sick. I sat for some time on an iron rail- 
ing on Larrabee Street, opposite the police station, on the southeast corner. 
I sat there about fifteen minutes. The wagon failed to come out, and, as I 
felt sick and could not do much anyway, I went home. Lingg and Seliger 
walked ahead of me. I saw them last when they crossed North Avenue, 
going north on Larrabee Street. The next evening I went to No. 58 Cly- 
bourn Avenue. I met Hubner, and he said that on the night of the shoot- 


ing he was at Lincoln Park. I recognize this picture now shown me as 
being that of Seliger. I saw him making dynamite bombs at 442 Sedgwick 
Street on the afternoon of May 4 in company with Lingg. The man I 
have seen locked up in this station I saw working and making dynamite 
bombs in company with Seliger, and his name is Louis Lingg. When I 
was at Seliger's house, Hubner told me to go to Lincoln Park, and there I 
would get my instructions." 

THE next Anarchist brought into the station was AUGUST GRAGGE. He 
was a German, twenty-eight years of age, straight and stoutly built, a brick- 
layer by trade, and lived at No. 880 North Halsted Street. He was arrested 
on the 24th of May. I gave him an evening's audience shortly after. It 
was apparent from his demeanor that he was a young man easily led astray 
by men of force and decision of character ; therefore it was no wonder that 
he had become an extreme Anarchist, especially since he had been thrown a 
great deal into the company of some of the rankest leaders in the order and 
had attended meetings where gore and plunder formed the chief topics of 
discussion. When the authorities took him in hand, he soon modified his 
opinions. He stated that, like a great many others, he had been misled to 
believe that Anarchist doctrines were right and that no law existed to 
interfere with them ; but after the law had been read to him, he acknowl- 
edged that he had pursued a wrong course. He had been a man of sober 
habits, and on being questioned he told a very straightforward story. After 
giving such information as he possessed he was released by the State's 
Attorney, and he promised to mend his ways. 

The statement he made to me was as follows : 

"A man by the name of Lange and another, August Asher, coaxed me 
into the armed group. Charles Bock was our secretary four or five weeks 
ago. I heard Rau and Lingg speak in Neff's Hall. Lingg spoke about 
dynamite and called on us to arm ourselves. They also wanted us to buy 
revolvers. I bought one a big one for $4. I paid $2 down. Asher 
and I went to the meeting at the Haymarket on the evening of May 4. I 
saw the circular that called that meeting. We had our big revolvers with 
us when we went there. When the shooting commenced we ran. I fell 
down, and about forty men ran over me and kept me down. I then lost my 
revolver. We had a meeting on Monday night, May 3, at Neff's Hall. 
Abraham Hermann had three or four revolvers for sale. Asher always kept 
the Arbeiter-Zeitung, and at times I would read it. The first man I heard 
speak at the Haymarket was August Spies, then Parsons, and Fielden next 
I saw Schnaubelt standing on the wagon with Spies. On account of its 
looking like rain it was decided to go to Zepf's Hall. Parsons, however, 
told the people to remain, as he only had a few more words. The police 
finally came. Some of the people started to go away, but some one in a 
loud voice urged them to remain. Then firing commenced. I heard the 
explosion of the bomb. As I stated, I fell down. As soon as I could get 
up I started to run for the North Side. I went to Neff's Hall. I found 
there several that I knew. I told them I had lost my revolver and then 
explained what had happened at the Haymarket. I carried my revolver in 


my hip pocket, and it dropped out as I fell. The revolver was loaded. I 
know Lingg. I have heard him speak at least four or five times. He 
would always call on the people to arm themselves. He also said that they 
were too slow in getting arms and that the time would come for their use 
and they ought to be ready." 

GUSTAV BREITENFELD was next arrested. He was a German, aged thirty, 
a brush- maker by trade, and lived in the lower flat of a two- story house at 
No. 1 8 Samuel Street. On May 4 he was commander of the second com- 
pany of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, and he had previously taken an active 
part at all Anarchist meetings. He was regarded as a star Anarchist on the 
Northwest Side, and frequently visited the house of George Engel. 

Gustav was an Anarchist jumping-jack. All that the leaders had to do 
was to pull the strings, and he responded. He served on all committees, and 
whenever in doubt as to any course of procedure he went to Engel for advice. 
He lacked judgment and brains, and he sought to make up the deficiency 
by consulting the leaders. But withal he was a dangerous man. He was 
quick-tempered, but a coward when he thought he was not likely to get the 
best of the situation. 

On the night of May 4 he had his company ready near the city limits to 
murder people and set fire to buildings, only awaiting orders to set about 
the work of general destruction. They expected to see the police flee from 
the Haymarket, but as the reds did the running on that occasion, the com- 
bination failed. Their " signal " committees were scattered and their com- 
rades became demoralized at the unexpected charge of the police. 

Breitenfeld and his company heard the shooting at their place of rendez- 
vous, and, failing to receive the signal to begin the attack, he went to 
Engel's house to ascertain what was wrong. Learning of the drubbing his 
comrades had received at the Haymarket, he was not anxious to take simi- 
lar "medicine," and he skulked away like a whipped cur. A house had 
been chosen near the limits for the incendiary torches of his company, and it 
would have been in flames on their first advance if they had received the 
signal. But the company were dismissed, and all hurried home to escape 
danger. For two weeks they were in mortal dread of the police. 

If, however, these misguided men had been started that night, with all 
things in their favor, there is no telling what fearful havoc they would have 
created. The company was composed of men desperate enough, under 
proper encouragement, to have murdered people asleep or awake They 
would have held high carnival if the Haymarket meeting had come out 
according to expectations, and the able-bodied and the helpless would have 
suffered alike at their hands. Their plan was to shoot or stab everybody 
who opposed their onward march into the city, and, crazed with success, 
they would have hesitated at nothing. 

Breitenfeld knew all the villainous arrangements, and he was therefore a 


man the police sought after. He was found on the 25th of May, at about 
seven o'clock, by Officers Stift and Schuettler, and brought to the Chicago 
Avenue Station. When I had the honor of meeting him, he at once assumed 
military airs, but he soon found himself reduced to the ranks. As he was 
one of the few who understood English, the law on conspiracies was read 
to him. Then he was informed that he had been indicted, and was told 
what could be proved against him. He became terribly excited, could 
hardly speak, but finally managed to say : 

" Gentlemen, you have got the wrong man. You want to get my brother. 
I am not that Breitenfeld. I am a good, peaceable man." 

He was informed that lies were at a discount in the station just then, 
and that if he desired to speak and tell the truth an opportunity would be 
given him. If not, we would tolerate no nonsense. He refrained from 
speaking, and was sent below. 

The next day he sent word that he wanted to see me. He was brought 
up, and on being seated before Assistant State's Attorney Furthmann and 
all the officers, he said : 

" Gentlemen, I beg your pardon. I told you a lie. I am the man you 
want. I have a wife and family, and I love them. I beg of you now, if you 
let me speak, I will tell the truth and everything I know." 

" Tell all you know," said I, " and remember that I will know when you 
tell a falsehood." 

"I know you have everything by this time. If I tell you all and become 
a witness against these other fellows, will you let me go ? " 

" If you tell all and the truth. I will see the State's Attorney for you and 
ask him to take you as a witness." 

Breitenfeld thereupon made a statement, and a few days later he was 
released. When subsequently called on to testify, he refused to do so. He 
had told others that the State could not convict anybody, and he would not 
help the prosecution. He was, therefore, let alone. He is still under 
indictment. With the lesson he had received it was thought he would reform. 
In this we were mistaken. He has since attended a number of meetings, 
and at the funeral of Mrs. Neebe turned out with his company. He is the 
same unrepentant Anarchist that he was before his trouble, but he is being 
carefully watched wherever he goes. 

This is what he swore to at the station in the presence of Mr. Furth- 
mann, myself and the officers : 

"My name is Gustav Breitenfeld. I am thirty years ofd. I am mar- 
ried and I reside at No. 18 Samuel Street. I am a brush-maker. I am 
captain of the second company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. We have 
twenty men in our company. I know Fischer and Schrade. Schrade is 
drill-sergeant of my company. On Sunday, May 2, I was at Pullman. I 
heard of the riot plan on Monday afternoon, May 3. I know George 
Engel, Deitz and Fischer. They are the principal leaders in the North- 


west Side group and of the armed men. Heier is the name of the man 
who keeps Thalia Hall on Milwaukee Avenue. I know Kraemer ; he lives 
in the rear of Engel's house. I think I saw Kraemer at the meeting held 
on the evening of May 3, at 54 West Lake Street. I know Schmidt, the 
carrier of the Arbeiter-Zeitung. At that meeting I saw Krueger, Schrade, 
Gruenwald, Clermont, Kraemer, Deitz, Engel, Fischer, Schnaubelt and 
Waller. Waller was the chairman of the meeting. The first thing I heard 
they were denouncing the police force for killing the workingmen at 
McCormick's factory. I saw the revenge circular, which called the people 
to arms. I heard Engel say that when the word ' Ruhe ' should appear in 
the Arbeiter-Zeitung, every one should go to his meeting-place selected by 
them and be ready for action. I heard some one say that as soon as they 
saw the heavens illuminated with red fires, then was the time to commence 
the revolution. Engel and Fischer volunteered to carry the news form the 
Haymarket to the armed men stationed at Wicker Park. Engel volun- 
teered to act as a spy. I know Engel to have sold arms. At the meeting 
of May 3, I heard some one asking for dynamite bombs. I heard Engel 
respond that the dynamite bombs were ready and in good hands. Fischer 
agreed to have the circulars, calling the Haymarket meeting, printed. It 
was said lhat there would be from 20,000 to 30,000 people at that meeting, 
and that the police would interfere. Then would be a good time to attack 
them and get revenge on them for the killing of six of their comrades. The 
word ' Ruhe ' would signify that they should get ready and be on the look- 
out. Engel said that they should look for it in the Arbeiter-Zeitung on 
May 4, and they were all to go to their respective places, as agreed upon, 
with their arms or guns. The Haymarket meeting was decided upon as a 
trap to catch the police. Engel, Kraemer and Krueger went to the meeting 
to see if there was a big crowd there, and when they got back home Engel 
said there were only 250 men present. I went to see Engel on the morn- 
ing of May 4 at his house. He told me he had been at the meeting and 
there were present the number I have given. I attended the meeting of 
the Northwest Side group that decided to call the meeting for the evening 
of May 3, at 54 West Lake Street. I heard, at the last-named place, sev- 
eral say that the dynamite bombs were in good hands. I met Waller at 
Thalia Hall on May 4, about' eleven o'clock in the evening, and he 
remarked that they had had a very hot time of it at the Haymarket. I saw 
Fischer on Wednesday, May 5, at Thalia Hall, and he then told me that 
Spies had been arrested about four o'clock that morning. Spies is the only 
one I know of the Spies family. I have known him five years." 

WILLIAM HAGEMAN was the next to inspect our plain and unpretentious 
office. He came in on his dignity and carried an air about him that plainly 
exhibited his complete contempt for the police He was a German, about 
thirty years old, round-shouldered, a stair-builder by occupation, was mar- 
ried and had one child. He lived at the time of his arrest on the lower 
floor of a house at No. 49 Reese Street, and he could always be found when- 
ever Anarchist plots were to be executed. His brother was, like himself, 
a rampant Anarchist, but with cunning enough to escape arrest. William 
was found by Officers Schuettler and Hoffman, about seven o'clock on the 


morning of May 26. He did not long remain in ignorance of the cause of 
his arrest, and then he wanted me to understand : 

" My brother is no Anarchist. If any one does any squealing on him, 
don't pay any attention to it, because it all means me. I am the fellow. 
The people often get us mixed." 

"You are the worst Anarchist of the two," I remarked. 

Hageman wanted to know how I had come to that conclusion. 

" We know all about you," said I. 

" If you know it, be sure and don't forget it," was the reply. " I am 
sure you won't learn anything from me." 

"All right. But just as sure as you are sitting there, I will find out all 
your performances, and every one you associated with during the last two 
years, before you leave this station. And you will tell it to me yourself." 

" Never ; I will die first. I will kill myself first. I will stand any tor- 
ture you may inflict on me, but I will never tell on my comrades or any one 
that worked for our cause." 

" You probably don't remember the job you pledged yourself to under- 
take on the night of May 4. It was not a very small one either, but, of 
course, your nerves not being very strong that evening, you came here to a 
neighboring saloon several times to brace up, and your friends, lying in the 
rear of this station, felt very much the same way as you did. So you 
spelled one another and strengthened your nerves. Say, William, who said 
that the bombs were not good ? You remember the third window in the 
station on the east side of the building and the little quarrel about the 
bombs whether a round lead bomb should be thrown or a long gas-pipe 
bomb. Do you remember the two policemen that crossed the alley and 
stood still for a moment in the middle of that alley when you fellows thought 
you were discovered how you all got into the dark side of the alley and ran? 
Now, remember, when you get ready to talk, I will tell my side of the story, 
and should you get stuck, you see I can help you out a great deal. You 
might recall what little you know of the Haymarket, how you were surprised 
that only one bomb was thrown and how the fellows detailed for that duty 
did not attend to their business. Here, officers, show this gentleman the 
suite of rooms which he is to occupy for the next four weeks. If you desire 
anything extra that is not on our bill of fare, just touch the button, and you 
will be waited on promptly. Any inattention on the part of the waiters 
must be reported to this office. If you should conclude to make a long stay 
with us, you had better provide yourself with a good supply of tobacco. 
You understand that when a man is at sea he finds that there are a good 
many things he needs that would come in handy." 

He did not like his apartments singular to relate. There was no 
fire escape, the linen on the bed was not changed every day, and the noise 
of his neighbors kept him awake of nights. He had struck the wrong 


hotel, but his apartments had been engaged for him and paid for by the tax- 
payers, and he could not gracefully withdraw. 

Hageman first got tired, then angry, and finally desperate. He realised 
that he was in trouble and made up his mind to take me into his confidence. 
He reached this conclusion on the afternoon of May 27, and sent the janitor 
to the office with a message that he desired to see me. He was informed 
in return that he could not see me unless he meant to talk business. Hage- 
man responded that he was ready to talk on any subject upon which he 
might be questioned, and he was accordingly brought into the office, into 
the presence of Mr. Furthmann, myself and the detectives. 

"Well," said I, "I understand that you want to see me." 

"Yes, I do," was the response, "but not in the presence of all these 

"Why not?" 

" Because my business is with you alone." 

"Well, you see, William, I am only one, and as what you tell here, 
which must be the truth, will have to be given by you in the Criminal Court, 
and as I may probably get killed before that time, there would be no one to 
testify to your statement if given to me alone." 

" Oh, that is the way you want to catch me ! " 

"There is no catch about it. If you don't want to make a statement in 
the presence of all these men, I don't want to hear anything from you." 

"Will you answer me one question ?" asked Hageman, getting a little 
apprehensive that he might lose his only chance. " It is, has any one out of 
the many people locked up here squealed ? " 

" Well," I answered, "most of them have already done so, and the others 
are fairly breaking their necks to follow suit." 

" This is a very unpleasant thing to do." 

"Yes, that is true." 

" Can I get out by telling you all I know, and can you keep me from tes- 
tifying in court? You know this will kill a man forever." 

" Yes, but a great many policemen were killed, and they simply obeyed 
orders. If you think you are better than a policeman, you had better go 
down stairs again and await your trial in the Criminal Court." 

" Now, see here, Captain, I would never tell on anybody, but I have got 
a wife and little baby at home. It almost sets me crazy thinking of them, 
and for their sake I will tell all." 

Hageman did as he promised, but in the interview that ensued it became 
apparent that he was a double-faced man, and that, when it came to his 
family, he did not care a fig whether he landed the other fellows on the gal- 
lows or in the penitentiary. He had been a brave, boasting Anarchist. 
He had been accustomed to talk with his associates over foaming "schoon- 
ers " of beer, and the more beer there was the greater his talk about killing 


people and overthrowing capital. He was a great reader of Anarchistic 
papers and literature, and the more fiery and unbridled the sentiment, the 
better he was pleased. He took a hand in every movement, attended all 
the meetings and picnics of the reds, and made himself quite a useful mem- 
ber of the order. He continually boasted of the bombs that he had hid 
away for use, and promised to let capitalists hear from him. The bombs 
he had were found to be of the round lead and gas-pipe patterns, and some 
of them he had received from Fischer a long time before May 4. He had 
been posted as to the manufacture of bombs by Lingg, and was a warm 
friend of Engel, whose talk about bombs suited him exactly. Hageman 
could not listen patiently to any discussion from which dynamite was left 
out, and in any peaceful gathering he was sure to become a disturber. If 
there was no dispute, he would start one himself, and, if necessary, back up 
his argument with blows. Whenever a dance or benefit was held to replen- 
ish the treasury for the purchase of dynamite, he was promptly on hand and 
exerted himself to the utmost to swell the receipts. Being such an active 
member, it was natural that he knew a great deal about his order, and he 
helped the State very materially with the points he furnished. 

He was kept in custody until after the trial, and with the experience he 
had in prison one would think that he would cut loose altogether from 
Anarchy. Not so, however. While nearly all the others repented of their 
error, Hageman had no sooner regained his liberty than he became as rad- 
ical as ever. He even threatened several times to kill State's Attorney 
Grinnell, Judge Gary, myself and others. After the trial, I had a detective 
at every meeting of the Anarchists, and the reports brought me were that 
Hageman and Bernhard Schrade were the most violent and determined men 
in the union. 

Hageman would boastingly say, " I never squealed to that man Schaack. 
If they had all done as I did, they would know very little about the Anar- 

One night, at 54 West Lake Street, this arrant knave was approached by 
one of his supposed warm friends, who happened, however, to be in my 
confidence, and who said to him : 

" You don't like Schaack, and I don't like him. He is now here at the 
Desplaines Street Station. We can go into the alley and shoot him in his 
office. I have a revolver here with me now, and I will go into Florus' and 
get one more. Then we will go and ' do him.' We will both go and fire 
together and run. But mind, let there be no arrest in our case ; let us die 
before capture." 

" Do you mean this ? " asked Hageman. 

" Here is my hand. Here is my revolver, and if you play coward on me 
I will kill you standing up. Now, come on." 


Did Hageman respond ? Not at all. He crawled on his belly with 

" That man Schaack," he said, " knows me so well that it is not safe to go 
around there." 

"Well," replied his companion, "we can go through a vacant lot." 

" It is too dangerous, my boy," said Hageman. "I could do all this 
well enough if I never would be found out." 

"Well," said the companion, "you are a crazy coward, and don't you 
' shoot your mouth' hereafter where I am." 

Hageman subsided for the time, but he is again as rampant as ever. 

Here is Hageman's statement, which he made "for the sake of his own 
family," but which helped to drive the nails into the coffins of other families : 

"I was at the meeting held at Neff's Hall, No. 121 West Lake Street. 
I saw Lmgg there and heard him address the people, calling them to arms. 
I also saw Thielen, the two Lehmans and Peter Huber. Niendorf was 
chairman of the meeting, which had been called to consider the eight-hour 
movement. Some one at that meeting called out that there was a meeting 
at No. 54 West Lake Street and said, ' Let us go there.' Then a number of 
us went, including Hubner, Thielen and myself. I stood at the right hand 
side as one entered the basement after I got there. The meeting lasted 
from half to three quarters of an hour. I saw there Fischer, Engel and 
Waller. Waller was chairman. I heard Engel speak. He told us to 
watch for the red fires, and when we saw them in the heavens, then was the 
time to commence the revolution. The fires were to be the signals for the 
outside posts that the riot at the Haymarket had commenced. It was also 
to be regarded as a signal that the police had made an attack on the meet- 
ing at the Haymarket, and then we should commence the work of destruc- 
tion. Every one should pick out houses beforehand, so that they could be 
set on fire when the signal was given. Engel also said at this meeting that 
the stuff, meaning dynamite, was cheap, and that any member could buy 
some. He referred to the police and said that if they saw a patrol wagon 
on the street filled with officers they should destroy the wagon and the 
police by throwing bombs into the wagon. He (Engel) urged every man to 
do as much harm as possible, meaning destruction of property and killing 
people. I heard this plan repeated afterwards by a black-whiskered man 
named Waller. Waller said that this plan for the revolution had been 
adopted by the West Side armed group. Hermann and I were at the Hay- 
market meeting, but when the shooting began we ran away." 

ALBERT JEBOLINSKI was another welcome guest on the 26th of May. He 
had been frequently invited to partake of the hospitalities of the station, but 
he appeared to be contented with putting up with dingy quarters in out-of- 
the-way places rather than run the risk of meeting a policeman. But on the 
day in question he received such a pressing invitation from Schuettler and 
Hoffman that he finally yielded. He was a German Pole, thirty-five years 
of age, of slim build, and, with a dark mustache and large goatee, he looked 
like a Frenchman. He lived at the time in a two-story brick building, first 
flat, at No. 1 1 Penn Street. The officers knew that he was a very sus- 


picious man and that he would run blocks to get out of the way of a police- 
man, so great was his hatred of the force. They therefore approached his 
house cautiously, lest he might mistake them for blue-coats. They called 
rather early, four o'clock in the morning, and Schuettler, giving a regular 
milkman's rap on the door, brought Mrs. Jebolinski to the front. 

" Who is there," she shouted before venturing to open the door, '' and 
what is wanted ? " 

"I am here the milkman," responded Schuettler. "I want to see 
you, madam."* 

With this assurance Mrs. Jebolinski opened the door, but the moment 
she discovered that it was not the milkman, she slammed the door to not 
quick enough, however, to close it, for the officer, seeing his chance, had 
thrust his foot between the door and the frame. Hoffman came at once to 
the rescue and informed the woman that I had sent him after her husband. 

" We don't know anything about Capt. Schaack," she responded, and 
again tried to close the door. 

"Well, madam, I am sure the Captain knows something about you 

And with this bit of information the officers pushed the door open. 
This was too much for Mrs. Jebolinski. She shouted to her husband : 

" O Albert, the spitzel, the police ! " 

"Don't open the door for anybody," came in stentorian tones from 
Albert in an adjoining room. " Keep them out ! " 

The officers had meantime effected an entrance, and, following up the 
voice, found Albert in bed. 

" Good morning, Albert," said Schuettler, in pleasant, cheerful tones. 

" Who told you to come here?" gruffly demanded Albert. 

" Capt. Schaack desires to see you on pressing business." 

" Oh, yes ; he must be in love with me, since he sent you so early to see 
me. Has no one killed that d d bloodhound yet ? " 

" No, Albert, you will have a chance to see him soon, and then you can 
kill him." 

"You go and tell Schaack that you have seen me, and that will be suffi- 
cient. I will die first before I go. You cannot take me out of here. I 
want my breakfast, and I will take a sleep before my wife calls me." 

So saying, Albert jumped back into bed. Officer Schuettler remon- 
strated, and was finally obliged to pull him out. Albert then refused to 
dress. Talking to him had no more effect than talking to a stone wall. 

Hoffman then opened the door, and Schuettler grabbed Albert under his 
arm and walked out with him despite his kicks and resistance. They got 
him out into the bracing atmosphere of the morning, and, although Albert 
was not dressed for company, they started off with him. 

Mrs. Jebolinski rushed out after them, and, wildly gesticulating, shouted :- 



" Bring him back, bring him back, and I will dress him." 

The officers retraced their steps, but not back into the house. They 
took Albert to the wood-shed, and there he was dressed. 

At the station he was invited down stairs and told that there were so 
many who wanted to see me that he would probably have a rest for a week. 
He was locked up, and during the first day he would neither eat nor drink. 
He was not coaxed, however, and the next morning he called the janitor, 
saying : 

' ' I am sick ; will you give me 
a cup of coffee?" 

The janitor replied that he 
would have to wait till nine o'clock, 
when the prisoners came down from 

"Well," said Albert, indig- 
nantly, "if I don't get my coffee 
now. you can 
keep your 

When nine 
o'clock came 
around the jan- 
itor made the 
round, inviting 
the sleepers to 
wake and get 
their breakfast. 

" You can go 

to the d 1 ; you can't make me eat," said Jebolinski, and he settled him- 
self for a nap. 

But when the dinner hour came Albert made up for lost time and missed 
meals. At four o'clock he sent the janitor to the office to tell me that he 
wanted to see me. He was brought up. 

" Well, Albert," said I, "how much do you weigh now?" 

"You had better let me go home. I will never tell you anything. 
It is no use keeping me here." 

" I don't want you to tell me anything. I have secured more evidence 
in the last few days than I want, and now they are all arrested. I am going 
to prosecute you in court for conspiracy and murder ; so you need not 
trouble yourself with being stubborn. I don't want to see you again, not 
till I see you in court. Officer, take him back to the lock-up." 

" So you can do without me? " 

" Yes, I am sure I can." 



Albert was escorted down stairs, but inside of two hours he asked for 
Officer Schuettler. 

" I can see now," he said to Schuettler, " that that man Schaack wants 
to hang me." 

" I am sure he is done with you," replied the officer. 

" I beg of you to tell the Captain I want to see him, and say to him that 
I will tell him about the bombs and everything else." 

Officer Schuettler reported the Anarchist's wishes, and Jebolinski was 
once more brought up. He then confessed that he had four loaded bombs 
planted, which he would show if taken out. 

He was accordingly taken in charge by Officers Schuettler and Hoff- 
man, whom he led to a place north of Division Street near a planing-mill 
and linseed-oil factory. At that place there was a side-track, and, at a 
point where the locomotives were stopped to be dumped of their cinders, 
he unearthed his bombs. These bombs were covered with about four inches 
of cinders, midway between the rails, and when they were taken out they 
were found fully loaded, with fuse and caps. That there had been no 
explosion is almost a miracle. Had a locomotive been stationed over the 
spot for an hour, as frequently happened, the cinders would have been set 
on fire again. In an instant locomotive and all would have been blown to 
atoms, and no one would have known the precise cause. It was lucky for 
some engineer and fireman, and, in fact, for the locality, that no engine 
stood over the spot after those bombs had been planted. 

On returning to the station, Jebolinski furnished the State with much 
valuable information. He was indicted and held as a witness. But he was 
never called, and after the trial he was given his liberty. He has been 
watched since and found to be attending strictly to his own business. In 
his statement he sets forth his attendance at the meeting at 121 West Lake 
Street, where were present Lingg, Rau and others, and his presence at the 
Haymarket meeting, from which he ran the moment the firing commenced. 
He also described the bombs, three round lead and one long iron one, 
which he had obtained from Hageman, the one-eyed carpenter. 

PETER HUBER was another distinguished caller, by special invitation. 
He was escorted to the office by Officers Whalen and Stift and took things 
very coolly. He was a lank, lean, consumptive-looking fellow, only twenty- 
nine years of age, and earned his living as a cabinet-maker. He was a 
German, married, and had two children, living in a two-story frame house 
at No. 96 Hudson Avenue. His manner was very quiet, and no one would 
have taken him for an Anarchist. But Peter, nevertheless, was heart and 
soul in the movement, and had regularly attended all the meetings. He 
had never made a speech he was too diffident for that; he had never 
advised any one on Anarchy, but he had come to be trusted, and he knew 
all the leaders and all about dynamite bombs. He was so undemonstra- 



tive and non-communicative that at first I took him to be a paid detective in 
the ranks of the Socialists. When he was asked a question, he would take 
his own time to answer, and, once interrupted in his talk, he would stop 
and say no more. 

On the second day after his arrest May 25 Huber offered to answer 
questions, and he did this without any inducement. He thereupon furn- 
ished the State with several good points, and freely told everything. He 
was indicted, but released by order of the State's Attorney. He was ready 
to testify at the trial, but was not wanted. He has since kept away from 

Anarchist meetings, and is now a 
useful man to his family. 

Huber's statement ran as fol- 
lows : 

" I belonged to the North Side 
armed group. I know Seliger, Hub- 
ner, Lehman the carpenter, the two 
Hagemans and Lingg. Some time 
in February last, George Engel 
made a great speechin Neff's Hall, 
No. 58 Clybourn Avenue. I keep 
the Arbeiter-Zeitung. The Sunday 
edition of that paper is called Die 
Fackel, I saw the letter 'Y, ' and 
the meaning of it is that, whenever 
we should see it in the paper, then 
/there would be a meeting held that 
evening, of the armed men, at No. 54 
West Lake Street. May 3d there 
A DANGEROUS STOR- was one such meeting called for 
ING-PLACE ^at evening. On that evening I 
went to the saloon at No. 71 West 
Lake Street and drank a glass of beer. From there 
I went to No. 54 West Lake Street. While in the 
saloon at No. 54 West Lake Street, I heard some one 
say that a meeting would be held down stairs in the basement. So we 
went down stairs. When I entered I saw about thirty or forty present. I 
sat down on a bench, and we sat there for some time before the meeting 
opened. I heard some one say that it would be an indignation meeting on 
account of our workingmen having been killed at McCormick's factory by 
the police on that day. I saw at that meeting the circular calling for revenge 
and the people to arms, because of the killing of our brothers. I saw the 
same circular that same evening at the hall No. 71 West Lake Street. Waller 
was chairman of the meeting at No. 54 West Lake Street. I met there Hub- 
ner, Abraham Hermann, Fischer and Breitenfeld, the captain of the second 
company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. I heard Engel make a speech, and 
during the whole time Breitenfeld was walking up and down the hall. I also 
saw Schnaubelt and Thielen there. I was at Neff's Hall, No. 58 Clybourn 
Avenue, early Tuesday evening, May 4th, and saw there Lingg, Seliger and 
Hubner. I heard Engel, at No. 54 West Lake Street, explain his plan 


and the work that should be done under it. A meeting, he said, would be 
held at the Haymarket, and when the police interfered the crowd should 
attack them, and the armed men should be ready for action. Some one 
suggested that they should hold their meeting at the Market Square on the 
South Side, between Randolph and Madison Streets. Some one else 
remarked : ' No, that is not a good place ; it is a mouse trap. ' If they held 
the meeting there and the police interfered, and the crowd resisted them, 
the police would drive them all into the river. Some said, 'That's so,' and 
then the meeting was fixed for the Haymarket, as Engel had suggested. 
We expected from 20,000 to 30,000 people present. We all had the idea 
that the police would interfere. Engel gave his plan about as follows : He 
said, ' First call the meeting for the Haymarket,' and then urged that the 
armed men be ready. He advised us to throw dynamite bombs into the 
stations, kill the police, throw dynamite bombs into the patrol wagons and 
shoot down the horses at the wagons. He repeated his plan for those who 
came in later to the meeting. The revenge circular was distributed both 
up stairs and down stairs at No. 54 West Lake Street. In the evening of 
May 3d, I saw Spies and Rau together in Zepf's saloon. As to the word 
'Ruhe,' I heard Engel say that when we saw that word appear in the 
paper, then we might know everything was right and ready. And we 
should watch for that signal. I heard Engel say that a man who could do 
no harm or create no disturbance should stay at home, as he was not wanted. 
When he had finished giving his plan, it was adopted. Schnaubelt said 
that outside cities, where they had comrades, should be notified at once as 
soon as the revolution was a success here. I saw Fischer at this meeting. 
He went to the Arbeiter-Zeitung to see if he could print the circular that 
night, calling the Haymarket meeting for the next evening. He came back 
and reported that the office was closed. He said he would attend to it in 
the morning. I saw Lingg, Seliger, Muntzenberg and Hubner in Neff's 
saloon, No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, about eight o'clock on the evening of 
May 4th." 

BERNHARD SCHRADE, a German, was a peculiar combination of eccen- 
tricities. He was arrested by Officers Whalen and Loewenstein on the 
evening of May 26, at nine o'clock, on Milwaukee Avenue, near Division 
Street. He was twenty-eight years of age, six feet tall, of straight and mus- 
cular build, nervous and quick-tempered, a carpenter by occupation, and he 
lived at No. 581 Milwaukee Avenue. When he was seated in the station it 
did not take us long to ascertain all he knew about Anarchy. In speaking 
of the Haymarket, he said that the right men had not been in their places, 
or things would have turned out quite differently. They had plenty of arms 
and bombs, he explained, but the leaders did not know their business. 
Early in the evening there was a large crowd, he said, but the great majority 
of them left in disgust because there was not a larger gathering and the 
speeches were not radical enough to suit their ideas. They expected some- 
thing fiery and impetuous. (This was about the time Mayor Harrison was 
at the meeting, and the speeches were accordingly very mild.) Those 
that left the meeting and did not go home, Schrade said, hung around the 
saloons in the neighborhood. If six hundred police, he further said, had 



attacked the crowd an hour earlier, few of them would have been left with 
their lives. He knew the arrangements, and, had the plan been carried out, 
the loss of life would have been appalling. 

Schrade was subsequently released by order of Assistant State's Attorney 
Furthmann, and promised that he would testify in court. He was several 
times sent after to give further information, and he always responded. 

About one month after Schrade's release, he and two others visited a 
saloon on North Avenue one night, and, after drinking a 
great deal of beer, they became exceedingly noisy and 
boisterous. The saloon-keeper attempted to quiet them, 
but was finally obliged to call an officer. Now, none of 
the bibulous individuals had any liking for a police- 


man. The moment they saw him enter they ordered him 
out and threatened that if he did not get out they would 
throw him out through the window. The officer was not 
at all alarmed, and, seeing that he was bent on keeping them quiet, the three 
disturbers pounced down upon him. The officer promptly brought his club 
into play, and soon his opponents measured their length upon the floor. 
The sawdust was sprinkled with blood, but, before the reds could make a 
second assault, a citizen had brought the patrol wagon to the rescue. They 
were taken in charge and thrown into the wagon in their drunken stupor, 
and carted to the Larrabee Street Station. 


On the way Schrade revived somewhat, and, not quite satisfied with the 
results of his former encounter, attempted to throw one of the officers over 
the side of the wagon. He was clinched by the throat, however, and kept 
quiet for the rest of the journey. The next morning the trio were fined in 
the Police Court and released on payment of the fines. Schrade became 
penitent and remained sober thereafter for some time. As he was out of 
work, I paid his board bill for two weeks, and kept him under surveillance 
to appear at the trial as a witness. When the trial began he was in good 
humor and told the State's Attorney that he would give the same testimony 
that he had given at the station May 26. He was accordingly produced as 
a witness. On the stand he failed to unfold all the information he had pre- 
viously given, but State's Attorney Grinnell knew all the points in his for- 
imer testimony, and before he got through with Schrade he made him a good 
witness for the State. 

After the trial the police lost sight of Schrade for a long time, and won- 
dered whether he had been quietly murdered by his former comrades or had 
left the city for his own good. But one day an officer reported to me that 
Schrade was still in the city. It was supposed, of course, that he would 
never again be found in the haunts of Socialists. It was discovered, how- 
ever, that he was a member in good standing of Carpenters' Union No. 241, 
-formerly No. i. This is the most rabid Anarchist organization in the city, 
.and, were it not for some comparatively conservative members, would have 
Jong since sought revenge for the conviction and execution of the doomed 

Schrade and Hageman, since their restoration to full membership, were 
found to be as incendiary as ever in their utterances, and seemed to vie 
with each other in their efforts to show that they were better Anarchists 
even than before the time they informed on their companions and helped to 
bring them to the gallows. In fact, they became so demonstrative that some 
of the members threatened them with expulsion. For this they sought 
revenge by working upon weak-minded persons to influence them against 
the leaders in the organization. As long as the conservatives remain at 
the head of the carpenters' union there is no special danger, but should 
such fanatics as Schrade and Hageman ever secure control, look out for 

AUGUST AHLERS was known to have been a close friend of Lingg, and 
accordingly I eagerly sought his acquaintance. But Ahlers after the Hay- 
market conceived an aversion to fresh air and kept himself in gloomy, 
oinfrequented quarters. The officers knew that he had often visited Lingg's 
room, sometimes remaining three or four hours, and, as Lingg never toler- 
ated any one who could not be made useful, it was believed that Ahlers 
could furnish valuable information if found. Mrs. Seliger had stated that 
.a great many visited Lingg, but most of them sought to conceal their faces 


or disguise themselves in some way, generally sneaking into the house as if 
they were going to steal something or kill somebody. This man Ahlers had 
been one of this kind. Lingg had every man who assisted him do certain 
special lines of work. Some would bring him lead, others gas-pipe, and 
others again charcoal, etc. Ahlers had helped in some way, and, with a 
pretty good description of him, the detectives were continually on the 
watch. Finally Officers Whalen and Loewenstein found him on the a6th 
of May, at No. 148 Chicago Avenue, and took him to the station. He had 
a sneaking demeanor, and when brought before me I asked him to give an 
account of himself between May 3d and May 6th. This he was unable to 
do, but after having been locked up for a while he gave some information 
about outside groups. As to Lingg he pretended to know very little, and 
as the officers could not identify him with any particular person, he was 
released on a promise of better behavior. He acknowledged having been 
a great admirer of the Anarchist leaders and a strong supporter of Anarchy, 
but now, he said, he would no longer affiliate with them. So far as the 
officers have observed, he has kept his promise and is attending strictly to 
his trade, that of a carpenter. 

We had these kind of fellows by the hundred in this city on May 4, 
1886, but fortunately God made most of them with big stomachs and no 
heart or courage. 

VICTOR CLERMONT, a German, was almost dumbfounded when he was 
informed that I wanted to see him. Clermont is a French-sounding name, 
and, when Officers Whalen and Loewenstein took him in charge on suspi- 
cion, they mistook him for a Frenchman, especially as he looked very much 
like one, having a dark mustache and goatee. Clermont was taken to the 
station, and there gave his age as twenty-seven, occupation a cabinet-maker 
and pool-billiard maker, and his residence No. 116 Cornelia Street. When 
questioned with reference to Anarchy he expressed surprise that he should 
be taken for an Anarchist, but when he was informed as to his having mys- 
teriously sneaked into dark basements which were lighted up with candles 
and whose doors were barricaded, he looked aghast. 

"There is something wrong," he said. "Somebody wants to involve 
me in the Haymarket trouble. I am sure I don't know the least thing 
about Anarchists." 

" Well," said I, " we will see if you can remember anything. Either you 
or your wife has some relatives living near the city. After the 4th of May 
you sent a lot of guns, rifles, ammunition and some bombs to them for safe- 
keeping. You took them away at night, and you have been so careful as to 
try and disguise yourself. Yet I cannot prosecute you on that. You have 
also been an active member on the Northwest Side in all Anarchist move- 
ments. You know all the things you have been engaged in, and so do we. 
I have your record right here." 


" Oh, yes," said Victor, "I hear that you fellows have things down very 
fine, because you have everything your own way. Well, if I do acknowledge 
all I have done, what are you going to do with me ? " 

" I will do with you the same as I have done with others. I will hear 
your statement and see if you can tell the truth. If you lie to me or about 
any one else, I will stop you, and that is all. You are indicted, and I will 
send you to jail. If you tell the truth I will send for the State's Attorney 
and ask him to let you go, but you must appear as a witness whenever we 
want you." 

"I suppose," remarked Clermont, "that my case is like this if I don't, 
some one else will squeal." 

He then gave an account of himself and his Anarchist comrades. He 
was subsequently released and visited me very often for several weeks. 
He was out of employment and hard-up, and I gave him money with which 
to support himself. One evening he called and said to the officers that he 
had something important to tell me. I was very busy at the time and asked 
him if he wanted some money. Victor replied that he did not desire money. 
I offered him $5, however, and told him to come back the next day. He 
would not take the money at first, but when I told him that I could not 
wait any longer, he took it and left. On reaching Milwaukee and Chicago 
Avenues, he met some of his old cronies and told them that he was going 
away that night. Early next morning I was informed that he had gone. 
Victor remained away for a year, but, thinking things had blown over, he 
returned and set about to disabuse the Anarchists of the impression that he 
had ever "squealed." While he has taken no active part in meetings since 
the trial, he appears to feel that he stands well with the Anarchists, and 
always tells them that when he" was arrested "he never gave anything 

His statement was as follows. It was given at nine o'clock on the even- 
ing of May 26 : 

" I belong to the Northwest Side Lehr und Wehr Verein, the second 
company, of which Breitenfeld is captain. Some time ago, at a meeting 
held at 54 West Lake Street, it was stated that the police would break up 
their meetings if they knew when and where they held them, and that there- 
fore it was necessary to adopt some secret way of calling their meetings. 
We adopted, ' Y, komme,' and when we saw that letter appear in 
the Arbeiter-Zeitung on any day we might know a meeting would be held at 
No. 54 West Lake Street. I was at Thalia Hall, May 3, early in the even- 
ing. We were to have held a meeting to elect new officers of the company, 
but no meeting was held. Some one came into the saloon and said that 
there were four of our workingmen killed at McCormick's factory that after- 
noon. Then some one said that a call for a meeting that evening at No. 
54 West Lake Street had been published in the Arbeiter-Zeitung, and a lot 
of us went there to learn further particulars about the shooting of our men. 
I there saw those circulars calling for revenge and the people to arms. 


That circular made me very excited. I was one of the first to get to that 
meeting at 54 West Lake Street. At the commencement of the meeting 
we put a man at each door to prevent any one listening or seeing what was 
going on in the inside, and to admit only members. That meeting was only 
called for the armed men. Waller was chairman. I heard Engel make a 
speech, and he presented the plan adopted by the Northwest Side group." 
(Here follows a detailed account of the " plan," agreeing in every particular 
with that given by other witnesses as to blowing up police stations, set- 
ting fire to buildings, killing people, the use of the word " Ruhe, " etc.) 
" We expected that there would be present at the Haymarket meeting from 
30,000 to 40,000 people and that then there would be a good chance for us 
to commence our revolution and attack the police and the government. 
There were also to be spies at the meeting to communicate with the groups 
in the outlying sections (Wicker Park and Lincoln Park). But the spies 
did not do their work, and then after Engel's speech several got to talking 
about guns, fires and bombs. On the motion of Fischer it was decided to 
have 10,000 circulars calling the Haymarket meeting printed, and he said 
he would attend to it. First Market Square was proposed, but some one 
objected by saying it was a mouse trap in case of trouble, and the Hay- 
market was agreed upon. Before finishing telling about his plan Engel 
said it had been adopted by the Northwest Side group and referred to 
Fischer to answer if that was not so. Fischer replied, ' Yes, that is the 

I asked Clermont if that was the first time he had ever heard of the 
" plan," and he replied : 

" Yes, it was the first time I had heard of the revolutionary plan. I 
never heard of it before, and only heard of it through Engel that night. 
This was the only plan I heard of to be followed for the revolution. I was 
at the Haymarket and expected to find a big crowd. To my surprise I 
only found about five hundred present." 

Clermont is now again in Chicago, and as rabid a red as ever. He 
is a leader on the Northwest Side, and detectives have reported to me 
that he has declared himself in favor of " bullets instead of ballots." He 
is also a prominent organizer in the Anarchist " Sunday-school " scheme. 


Fluttering the Anarchist Dove-cote Confessions by Piecemeal 
Statements from the Small Fry One of Schnaubelt's Friends " Some One Wants to 
Hang Me " Neebe's Bloodthirsty Threats Burrowing in the Dark The Starved- 
out Cut-throat Torturing a Woman Hopes of Habeas Corpus ' ' Little " Krueger's 
Work Planning a Rescue The Signal " ? ? ? " and its Meaning A Red-haired 
Man's Story Firing the Socialist Heart Meetings with Locked Doors An Ambush 
for the Police The Red Flag Episode Beer and Philosophy Baum's Wife and 
Baby A Wife-beating Revolutionist Brother Eppinger's Duties 

THE work of ferreting out and arresting the conspirators might have 
stopped with the number already gathered in, so far as the necessity for 
procuring evidence to be used in court was concerned, but it was continued 
to the end that every conspicuous or minor character in the murderous plot 
might be made to feel the power of the law, which each had so persistently 
defied. I had the names and descriptions of all identified with Engel's 
plan, their haunts, their traits of character, and their influence in the order, 
and detectives, under instructions, were continually on the search. Anar- 
chist localities were overhauled, unfrequented places visited, and convenient 
hiding-places inspected. Every one wanted was finally brought from under 
cover. Not a guilty one escaped, except Schnaubelt. Anarchistic sympa- 
thizers did everything in their power to conceal their friends, but the police 
proved equal to the emergency. 

RUDOLPH DANNENBERG, a German, was one who held himself aloof from 
the rest of humanity. He lived at No. 218 Fulton Street, and on the 27th 
of May Officers Loewenstein and Whalen found him surrounded by his 
family. During the few moments' conversation I had with him, it became 
apparent that he was like all his associates a firm enemy of the existing 
order of society. He stated that, although he was only a tailor, he could 
fire a revolver as unerringly as any one and throw a bomb as far as any- 
body. He declared that he thought himself adapted to something higher, 
something better than being a tailor, and he had joined the Anarchists in 
order to bring himself before the public and achieve distinction. He had 
carefully read the Arbeiter-Zeitung, had noticed the names of various peo 
pie, and he did not see why he could not become great like them and see his 
name and deeds frequently paraded in the papers. He felt that he had the 
requisite ability, and communicated his ambition and his desires to his 

Mrs. Dannenberg was a plain, unassuming woman, and did not dare to 
remonstrate with a man who had finally discovered his forte. He strutted 
about the house with the conscious pride that greatness was within his 
grasp, and his changed demeanor really impressed the woman to the extent 


that she believed he was already a great man. Dannenberg lost no time in 
joining the Lehr und Wehr Verein, and eagerly made the acquaintance of 
all the leading men in the order. He secured recognition, and his heait 
swelled with joy when he attended the secret meetings held by the order. 

All these little confessions were adroitly extracted by piecemeal. Noticing 
that here was a man who felt himself above the " goose " and the needle, I 
concluded to send him below to discover, if he could, the difference between 
being a tailor and an Anarchist in search of greatness. I treated him with 
perfect indifference, and he seemed to feel the indignity greatly. He was 
put in a cell, and for two days no one went near him except the janitor. 

Dannenberg finally got uneasy and sent word that he desired to see me. 
He was informed in return that he would be sent to the County Jail the 
next day. He then wanted to know if he would not be given an oppor- 
tunity to speak, and insisted on having a hearing. He was brought into 
the office and told that he would be given just five minutes to tell what he 
had to say. 

"Gentlemen," he said, in great haste, "you think because I am a tailor 
I am of no account, and consequently you seem disposed to punish me. 
My oath is just as good as the other fellows'." 

"What do you mean?" I inquired. "We have not asked you for your 
oath, and we do not want it." 

"Oh, I see now," said Rudolph, beginning to get angry, "you only want 
the small fry. Well, look here, Captain, I don't give a continental. I will 
tell on the other big fellows, now, for the fun of the thing. They must be 
punished as well as the little fellows. It is evident that the other big fellows 
want to talk themselves out." 

" I think you have got the thing down very fine," were my consoling 

" Yes, I know the people want to hang somebody," said Rudolph, " and 
if they can only hang a tailor they will be satisfied." 

Time was called on the speaker, the five minutes having been exhausted, 
and Rudolph was about to be escorted down stairs. 

"Stop ! stop ! officer, I have not commenced yet to talk, and I want to 
be heard." 

"Well," said I, "you want to commence very soon." 

Dannenberg again planted himself firmly in his chair, and then proceeded 
to relieve himself of the burden on his mind. He gave quite an interesting 
statement, and was subsequently released by order of the State's Attorney. 
He was indicted for murder before his release, and he left after promising 
to report when wanted. Some time after he was rearrested and put in a 
room with fifteen others. 

Every one of these fifteen was morose, sullen and dejected. There was 
not a cheerful word among them. They felt uncertain about their own fate 








and took a gloomy view of life. The presence of Dannenberg was like a 
cheerful fire in a blizzard. He had forgotten all about the misfortune of 
being a tailor and a crushed Anarchist, and he kept the company full of life 
with his wit and drollery. 

On his final release, Dannenberg went back to his trade, quit Anarchy, 
and now takes the greatest sort of pride in telling his friends that he is sim- 
ply a " knight of the needle." 

After stating his age to be thirty-two years, Dannenberg swore : 

" I went to the meeting in the basement at No. 54 West Lake Street. I 
heard Engel speak. I heard Fischer say that he would attend to the print- 
ing of the circulars for the Haymarket meeting. I used to belong to the 
Lehr und Wehr Verein, but I quit two months ago. I was at Thalia Hall, 
on Milwaukee Avenue, Sunday, May ad. I used to go there very often. I 
know George Engel. At the meeting at No. 54 West Lake Street, he was 
called on for a speech, and he responded. I heard him speak of his plan 
a plan for riots, fires, the destruction of buildings and property, and the 
killing of people and the police. I heard him speak of the meeting to be 
held at the Haymarket, and that, if they started there, then would be the 
time for us to commence the rebellion all over the city. A man named 
Schrade, sitting by my side, remarked to me that Engel had made a very 
destructive speech. This talk made me laugh. Engel continued by saying 
that when we saw the heavens red, then was our time to commence. The 
Northwest Side group, he said, would meet at Wicker Park, and the North 
Side group at Lincoln Park. The moment we saw the fires, as a signal, 
then we should throw bombs, shoot down the policemen and everybody 
who stood in our way, and begin the general destruction of property and 
life. I never heard of this plan before this time. Engel was the only one 
who spoke of the plan. At this meeting I knew Breitenfeld and Waller, 
who was chairman. I heard some one at that meeting ask for dynamite 
bombs and how to get them, and some said : ' You ought to know it by this 
time.' Engel also spoke of the word ' Ruhe.' It was to be a signal word, 
and when it should appear in the Arbeiter-Zeitung, then was the time to be 
ready for a riot." 

CARL MAX EMIL ENGLISH registered at the station on the ist of June. 
He might have been gathered in long before, but he was kept under watch 
in the hopes of bagging a more important Anarchist. It was known that 
English was a particular friend of Schnaubelt's, and the officers kept their 
eye on him continually, thinking the bomb-thrower might be found through 
his unconscious intervention. But they waited and watched in vain, and 
finally Officers Palmer and Cosgrove arrested English on suspicion. He 
was turned over to me, and then it was ascertained that he knew more of 
the Anarchists in Pullman, where he worked, than he did of those in Chi- 
cago. When called an Anarchist he objected, and insisted that he was 
simply a Socialist a distinction without a difference in his case. He 
stated, however, that all the Anarchists in America "looked upon Chicago 
as the main center of Anarchy," and in Pullman they got all their inspira- 
tion from Chicago. He acknowledged an acquaintance with Muntzenberg, 


who, he said, had sold John Most's books and other Anarchistic literature 
at Pullman. Muntzenberg had been in Pullman after the 4th of May, and 
had carried dynamite bombs with him. The Socialists, said English, had 
become frightened at this exhibition and had refrained from having any 
further dealings with Muntzenberg. 

English was allowed to go, with an injunction that he had better stay in 
Pullman, where he belonged. He has since remained at home and is now 
giving more of his time to the study of sound literature on economic sub- 
jects. He came to America from Germany, in October, 1885, and was led 
astray by Most's writings. Had he lived in Chicago he would have been 
a very handy man for Lingg. In the old country he had worked in the 
manufacture of torpedoes, etc., for the Government, and he was well posted 
on explosives. He was twenty-four years of age, and just such a man as 
Lingg could have utilized. 

AUGUST KRAEMER, a German, thought he was sharper than the police. 
He had escaped their attentions, and he was felicitating himself that he 
knew how to elude them successfully. One day, however June ist he 
was cheerfully greeted by Officers Whalen and Stift, and when they notified 
him of the pleasure his company would give us at the station, he became 
motionless with surprise. Recovering himself, he declared that it was an 
awful outrage to arrest a man for nothing and assured the officers again 
and again that he had never heard of Socialists or Anarchists, did not know 
a single one of that class and would not be able to recognize one if pointed 
out to him. In fact, he had not even heard that a bomb had been thrown 
at the Haymarket. He played this role of ignorance when brought before 
me, but I soon brought him to his senses. 

"You have played the old lady long enough," I said. "We are men 
here who do not believe a word you say, and don't want any of your tea- 
party stories. Is not George Engel your friend ? Did you not drink beer 
in Engel's rear room, May 4th, about eleven o'clock ? Were you not there 
when a lot of men waited for orders to blow up and burn down houses ? 
Were you not at the Haymarket with Engel, and did you not walk around 
with him on the outskirts of the crowd?" 

"Who told you this?" came promptly from Kraemer. 

"One of those little gods you prayed to at Thalia Hall on Sundays. 
Why, you hypocrite, you and twenty more get together, talk and give your 
opinions about dynamite and how to construct poisoned daggers, and work 
out a plan to fight the police and militia, drink beer and liquor, and call that 
a prayer-meeting. What have you to say to all this ? If you can not an- 
swer I will give it to you plainer." 

"Mein Gott, some one wants to hang me," exclaimed August. "I know 
Herr Engel ; he is a good man." 

"Yes, in your estimation." 


" If you only knew how awfully sorry he felt for the officers that were 

" Oh, yes. Well, do you now think that we know something about you ? " 

" I admit that you know all about me, but Herr Engel said that night 
that it was wrong to have such a miscarriage. He did not believe in kill- 
ing a few people. All revolutions, Engel believed, ought to come about by 
themselves, and then the police and soldiers would be with them. If the 
people would fight, then the authorities, police and all, would throw their 
guns away and run. Then the victory would be won without spilling any 
blood, but such a foolish thing as the Haymarket affair Engel would have 
nothing to do with." 

"Yes; all this Engel said after 10:30 o'clock that night, May 4th." 

"Yes, he said it in his back room." 

"That is all I want of you. Officers, lock up this dynamitard." 

"Captain, will you not let me make a statement? " 

"Of what?" 

" I know something. For God's sake don't lock me up." 

"Well, then, speak, double-quick time, and let there be no lying." 

Kraemer calmed himself and proceeded to unfold his story. He was 
subsequently released on promising to testify in court and that he would 
become a better man. He was indicted by the grand jury for conspiracy to 
murder. He was not asked to testify, and it was supposed that after all his 
troubles he would attend strictly to his own business, that of a carpenter. 
Not so. He was to be found in the company of the worst Anarchists 
between May 4th and the time of the execution, but, when he finally discov- 
ered that there was a law in the State to hang conspirators and murderers, 
he grew frightened. He now remains at home instead of skulking into 
dark cellars and devising means of revenge. He lived, at the time of his 
arrest, at No. 286 Milwaukee Avenue, in the rear, his friend Engel occupy- 
ing the front part of the building. He was thirty-three years of age, mar- 
ried, well built, five feet eight inches in height, and an active man 

His statement was as follows : 

" I attended the meeting at No. 54 West Lake Street the night of May 
3d. I was there about fifteen minutes when the meeting was called to order. 
Some one suggested that every man of a group should see that every one 
present was one of their members. I was asked what group I belonged to. 
I could not tell. I do not belong to any group. Then I was told to go out 
because I could not give the pass-word. I told them that I belonged to the 
Socialists, but they told me I could not remain. I then went away. I 
have often been at Thalia Hall at the ' Bible class,' I met there frequently 
Engel and Fischer. That was in the month of April, 1886. At one meet- 
ing, when Engel and Fischer were present, some one called on the people 
to be ready with arms : that the time would soon come when they must be 
organized and ready to defend themselves. While I was at 54 West Lake 
Street that evening, May 3, some one complained that there were so few 


present and said that there had always been a good attendance until that 
night, and that it was very strange. As I could not give the sign I was put 
out. I heard Engel say that no revolution could be a success with only a 
small group ; there must be general, united action." 

MARTIN BECHTEL was also requested to report at the station for an inter- 
view. He willingly responded, and conversed quite freely. He was a 
beer-brewer by profession, and on May 4 was foreman in the brewery of 
Bartholomae & Leicht. He was also president of the Brewers' Union and 
presided at a meeting on the afternoon of May 3. His statement of that 
meeting was as follows : 

" I had a meeting called of the brewers for that afternoon, and there I 
saw a lot of those ' Revenge ' circulars. I saw all the men reading them, 
and, while some did not appear to care much, others got greatly excited 
over the way the police had been clubbing the people at McCormick's fac- 
tory. There was considerable excitement for awhile, and this was kept up 
until I called the meeting to order. I found that I had to be very strict 
before I could do anything. We transacted our business with great diffi- 
culty. I was interrupted now and then by some one coming in and talking 
excitedly about the police killing people at the factory. I restored order 
once more, when Oscar Neebe came in with a new supply of circulars and 
handed them around to the boys. Then the fire was in the straw again. 
After Neebe had distributed his circulars, he was called on for a speech, 
and whenever he was asked by any one if it was true that the police had 
been killing people in the manner described by the circular, he would 
answer : ' Oh, yes ; I know it is true. I saw it all. We must get ready 
and take revenge. Get ready ; you all know what to do. You have all 
been to our meetings ; you have all had instructions. Come out like men 
and show the capitalists what you are made of. Show these bloodhounds, 
these hirelings of the capitalists I mean the blue-coated police that we 
are not afraid of them. We must meet them and teach them a lesson. 
They have no regard for you or your families. You must feel the same to 
them.' Such was the character of his speech and replies, and that is all I 
can report of the meeting." 

Mr. Bechtel was thanked for his information, and left the office. 

It came out that during that day, after leaving that meeting, Neebe 
went into a saloon on Clark Street, near Division, and said that "by to- 
morrow or before to-morrow midnight the city of Chicago would swim in 
blood, or perhaps lie in ashes." There would be a revolution, everything 
was ready, and he said that he would do his share of the work. At one 
time he was so wrought up with excitement that he fairly shouted at the 
top of his voice and made loud threats. In the trial, it was a fortunate 
thing for Neebe that certain documents were not at hand, or he would have 
undoubtedly been hung instead of being let off with the fifteen years' sen- 
tence in the penitentiary which he is now working out. The documents 
desired were in some manner lost, and, when some of the material witnesses 
were looked for to appear at the trial, they could not be found. 


Neebe knew perfectly well the character of the men he addressed at the 
brewers' meeting. They were all fire-eaters on the question of Anarchy, 
and the name of the Brewers' Union was simply adopted as a cloak. The 
brewing companies could greatly contribute to the promotion of law, order 
and decency by replacing every one of them with men who appreciate good 
government and the privileges of citizenship. 

In one brewery on the North Side, these " reds " managed to get the 
teamsters and beer-peddlers inoculated with their heresy, and the result was 
that the police were often called upon to quell disturbances growing either 
out of arguments with customers or saloon patrons. The injury thus done 
to the trade of the company must have been large. Is it a fear of these 
men or is there a lack of better material that keeps them in their places ? 
It is certain that such men are doing the brewing companies no good. 
They are a bad lot and need watching. They are watched. 

MORITZ NEFF was the owner of what has been called the "Shanty of 
the Communists," at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, known also as " Neff's Hall." 
He was intimate with the leaders of Anarchy and knew a great deal about 
their movements. On the ist of June, Schuettler and Stift were sent to 
tell him that I desired to see him. He came, not under arrest, but volun- 
tarily, as soon as he had secured some one to run his saloon during his 
absence. He was a German, about thirty-six years of age, unmarried, and 
had kept the Anarchist headquarters for over seven years. He attended 
closely to business, rented his hall in the rear of the saloon to various unions 
and clubs, and made plenty of money. His place was a sort of " go-as-you- 
please " headquarters for the Anarchists, and if all their plottings there had 
been carried into execution the city of Chicago would not now stand as a 
monument of thrift, energy, enterprise and wealth. The hall was rented to 
any one who desired it. No questions were asked, and no publicity was 
ever given to the proceedings through Neff. He could keep secrets, and 
the Anarchists knew it. He also knew them thoroughly. He was a good 
judge of character, and, as most of his patrons were low-browed, ignorant 
and impulsive fellows, he would in the presence of some of the more sensi- 
ble ones call them "fools and cattle." Neff gave up his money freely to 
these people for the advancement of their cause, but he was never known 
to howl against law and order or make threats against capitalists, like other 
Anarchist saloon-keepers. He always kept on friendly terms with the 
police, and promised Lieutenant Baus to keep him posted whenever any- 
thing of importance transpired. This promise, however, seems to have 
been shrewdly made with a view to "pulling the wool over the eyes" of 
the Lieutenant. Neff would say, " Don't trouble yourself. Whenever there 
is anything going on, I will put you on ; " but he never found anything worth 
while reporting. The officers managed to gather a good deal of information 
respecting the character of the meetings held, but, as no important or dan- 


gerous results were ever expected to grow out of them, the Anarchists were 
permitted to remain unmolested. 

On the night of May 4, after the Anarchists had been put to rout, those 
of the North Side group hastened from their various posts to meet at Neff's 
place. They were still inclined to go on with the revolution, and Neff 
reproached them for not continuing it the moment it was started. 

"What the d 1," said he, "did you carry bombs for all night and not 

do anything ? Why didn't you go to the Chicago Avenue Station and blow 
the d d building to h 1 with every one in it ? " 

This staggered the hot-heads, and not one made a reply. 

" Why," continued Neff, "you are all cowards ; not one of you dare go 
with me now." 

No one advanced to accept the challenge. Presently, the hour getting 
near eleven o'clock, Neff said : 

" Get out ! I am going to close up, and to-morrow we will have different 
music, and we will see who dances." 

Knowing the great resort his place had been lor Anarchists, Neff was in 
momentary dread of becoming involved in the Haymarket affair. He was 
very uneasy, and, as described by an acquaintance of his, " his clothes and 
shirt collar did not fit him very well for a number of days." When he 
entered my office, Neff straightened up and appeared as if his mind was 
made up for the worst and as if he had resolved that the police should be 
no wiser through any information he possessed. It was not long, however, 
before he discovered that we meant business, and that playing the fool in 
the matter would not be tolerated. In the room were Assistant State's 
Attorney Furthmann, six detectives and myself, and he was kept busy 
framing answers that would not compromise himself. Finally Neff looked 
us all over very carefully and said : 

" I know I am called here to answer questions and tell on the Anar- 
chists. I will now tell all I know." 

He then gave a straightforward story and appeared as a witness at the 
trial, giving all its substantial points. After that trial he sold out his place 
and left the city. He remained away for a time, but recently came to- 
Chicago on a visit. His conduct has been such as to justify the hope that 
he will hereafter hold himself aloof from Anarchists. 

JOHN WEIMAN, a Suabian, was a peculiar genius. He was only twenty- 
three years of age, and yet he imagined that he could successfully hood- 
wink the police. He had been pointed out as an associate of some of the lead- 
ers, and it was decided to bring him to see what he had to say for himself. He 
lived at No. 30 Barker Street, and when notified, about the 6th of June, that 
I wished to become acquainted with him, he assumed a highly injured air. 
The moment he set foot inside the office, he threw up both hands and, in a 
loud voice, 'insisted that a great mistake had been made in arresting him. 


This is one of the round bombs made by Lingg, and similar to the infernal machine thrown at the Hay- 
market. It is about three inches in diameter, and consists of two hollow hemispheres of lead, filled with 
dynamite, and secured by means of an iron uult and nut. It is fitted with fuse and fulminating cap. 


" I am no Socialist, no Anarchist, no Nihilist, no Communist," he 
declared. " I don't know Spies, Parsons, Schwab, Fischer, Lingg, Engel, 
Neebe or Fielden. I never attended any meetings at No. 54, No. 71 or 
No. 120 West Lake Street, and I have never been in the Communisten- 
Bude [the Shanty of the Communists] at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue ; 
never was at Mueller's Hall basement, or at Thalia Hall, or at No. 63 
Emma Street." 

"That is right, John," said I. " Keep on and tell me a few more places 
where you have never been, and I shall be much obliged to you. Then I will 
know all the places and all the leaders of the whole Anarchist outfit." 

" Yes," said John, " I have heard of you, and I don't want to be troubled 
too much. I know that you are acquainted with all those places and know 
all the people who went there, and I heard of a lot of people getting arrested 
every day who knew all the leaders and frequented those meeting-places. 
I thought I would tell you all at first, because I am sick and I can't stand 
much talking-to." 

" How came you to know so much ? " I inquired ; " that is to say, how 
do you know the names of the members ? " 

"Well, I have a friend, and he told me all these things, but he ran away 
from the city. I don't know where he is now." 

" What is his name and where did he live ? " 

" He is a carpenter. I used to call him Carl. He lived on Randolph 
Street, near Union." 

Further inquiries failed to elicit anything of importance, and he was 
turned loose to wander at his own sweet pleasure. 

EMIL MENDE, a German, was a man thoroughly capable of desperate 
deeds. He lived at No. 51 Meagher Street, and so villainous a disposition 
did he possess that his own sister and his brother-in-law were obliged to 
report him at the station. Even the people in his own neighborhood feared 
him, and those that knew him best shunned him. He was a dangerous man. 
For two months preceding May 4, he boasted how the Anarchists would 
blow up the city and kill every one who was not an Anarchist. He talked 
about it so often and in such an earnest way that his neighbors grew appre- 
hensive lest he might set fire to the neighborhood. The children would run 
across the street to avoid meeting him. He was always* full of liquor, and 
his chief study was how to get a living without work. He thought he had 
found it in Anarchy, and he stood ready to commit any crime to accomplish 
his purpose. He became a drunken loafer through attending Anarchistic 
meetings, and when his sister remonstrated with him he turned against her 
and threatened to kill her. His conduct finally became so unbearable that 
his brother-in-law, Emil Sauer, gave information against him to the police. 
Mende, he said, belonged to the Lehr und Wehr Verein of the Southwest 
Side group and would assemble with his comrades in lonely, retired places, 


where the police could not see them drill. They would sneak into the build- 
ings selected for their meeting-places, and after their drills they would 
quietly sneak out again, like so many thieves who had committed a success- 
ful burglary. Sauer said he had come to know many of the members, but 
he did not know their names or where they lived. They all had numbers, 
were well armed with rifles and revolvers, and they drilled frequently. 

" I remember the night of May 4," said Sauer, " Mende left the house 
about eight o'clock. He looked wild and desperate. He carried with him 
a huge revolver and a lot of cartridges. About eleven o'clock the same 
evening, after the bomb had exploded, he came sneaking home, and had in 
his possession two rifles and three dynamite bombs. He brought them all 
into the house at first, and, becoming alarmed, he took them all to No. 647 
South Canal Street. There he was seen either going under the house or 
under the sidewalk. When he came out he had nothing with him. Mende, 
when he first began to attend the meetings, had very little to say about 
Anarchy. He kept on, and during the six months preceding the Haymarket 
riot he was perfectly crazy on the subject. After he had become a member 
of the armed group, he would speak of nothing else but killing people and 
destroying the city. On the evening of May 4, before leaving home, he 
said : 

' ' ' This is our night. This night we will show our strength. I would like 
to see any one oppose us. Nothing can stand before us. Before daylight 
to-morrow blood will flow deep in the streets, and the air will be hot. Then 
we will have a new government.' 

" After he had been gone about twenty minutes, some one came in and 
asked for him. The man looked like a starved-out cut-throat. He was told 
that Mende had gone. The fellow remarked, ' Then it is all right. I know 
where to find him.' He pulled his hat over his eyes, turned up his coat col- 
lar and disappeared. This man was watched. He went west from our 
house, and about a block away he met five other men. They all went west 

" On the afternoon of May 4, Mende said to me : 

" ' I want you to go with us. Everything is very well planned. There 
is no fear that we will not get all the help we want after we have started. 
We are going to move like an army. If we should get whipped at first, or 
if we should have to run, then we all have places to go to. The Southwest 
Side group is going to a church on Eighteenth Street, and we will fortify 
ourselves there until we get help. We will have a lot of dynamite bombs 
to keep everybody away. We have rifles and revolvers, and no one will 
dare come near us. We can hold the fort there for a few days, and no one 
will trouble us. Only throw out a bomb once a day, and that will be suffi- 
cient to prevent the enemy from coming near. The North Side group is going 
to follow our plan. They are going to take charge of St. Michael's Church. 


We have things down fine. You had better come along. There is no dan- 
ger. We expect a lot of people here from Michigan and all the mining 
towns. They will all come here as soon as we begin the attack.' 

"Mende asked me at one time to go with him, this was during the 
McCormick strike, and told me they were going to take with them tin 
cans, which would be filled with kerosene. These cans would have strong 
corks in them, and through each a hole had been drilled, for the insertion of 
a cap and fuse. They would simply light the fuse, throw the can into a 
lumber yard, and walk off. No one would discover who did it, and then 

they would see a big fire. ' In this way we'll bring these d d capitalists 

to time.' I told Mende that I would have nothing to do with him or his 

" Two days after the bomb had been thrown, he said to me : 

'"I know the man who threw the bomb, and, you bet, he is a good friend 
of mine. He will never be arrested.' 

" About eight days after the explosion, he told me that he knew the man 
who made bombs, and that the man was going to leave the city. This man, 
he also said, had changed his clothes, and he (Mende) had got the clothes 
from a man named Sisterer, who lived on Sixteenth Street. I then asked 
him the name of the man who made the bombs, and he said it was Louis 

Mrs. Sauer next related her grievances against her brother. 

"This brute," she began, "not being satisfied with having all the neigh- 
bors afraid of him, had to torment the life out of me, telling me that he 
belonged to those fellows who would kill, give no quarter and take none. 
In a fight the result would be victory or death. He would tell me that as 
soon as they had established their government the children of the capitalists 
would he hunted up and killed, and every trace of a capitalist wiped off the 
face of the earth. My brother reads all kinds of Anarchist books and 
papers. I saw him have a big revolver and a lot of cartridges, and he said : 

" ' We are going to kill all the police now in a few days. They all must be 
killed. They stand in our way. We cannot get our rights so long as we 
let those bloodhounds live. So we have decided to kill them all. We are 
ready now, and you will not see any more of those fellows hanging around 
the corners.' 

" He also said that the Fire Department was a well-organized body, and 
they, too, must be destroyed. 

"'Before the battle commences,' he said, 'we are going to fix the 
bridges with dynamite, so that, in case the Fire Department should come 
to the relief of the police or go to work to extinguish the fires that we start, 
we will blow the bridges, firemen, horses and all to h 1.' 

" He further stated that the city would be set on fire in all parts, so that 
the police and firemen would be obliged to stay in their own neighborhoods, 


and it would be impossible for any large bodies of them to get together in 
one place. Then, when everything was in confusion, they had places selected 
where they would meet in a body and come into the center of the city, where 
they would rob and plunder every jewelry store and bank, and places where 
they could get the most valuable things they wanted. 

" 'We have,' he said, 'all these places picked out already. We have on 
hand all the dynamite we want, and when we make a start we will have our 
tools and materials with us.' 

"A few days after the 4th of May, my brother also said that it was too 
bad that their committee had become split up during the charge of the 
police at the Haymarket. They failed to get together again, and the men 
on the outside were expecting every second to receive orders from that 
committee to commence setting fires and killing people. He stated that 
on that night he was at the Hinman Street Station, and that it was sur- 
rounded by seventy-five men, fifty of them having rifles and the balance 
large revolvers and dynamite bombs. They waited in an alley for orders. 
Everything, he said, was complete ; every man had his place and knew what 
work he had to perform. They only needed the signal from the committee. 
The plan was that, as soon as they had received their orders, some of them 
should get near the windows of the station and throw in bombs among the 
policemen. Then others were to be ready with their revolvers and shoot 
down any officer who had not been killed by the explosion and who attempted 
to save himself by jumping out through the window. The fifty men with 
rifles were to have placed themselves in front of the station, and as soon as 
the officers made an attempt to march out, they should kill them in the 
hallway before they could get outside. 'But,' said he, 'the officers at this 
station will be killed yet, because they have interfered with us and injured 
the success of the strikers.' 

"He spoke also about their going to barricade themselves in churches, 
if they got whipped, until they had secured help. He said that they had a lot 
of bombs buried near the city, and they were there still for future use. 
'They will not spoil,' he said. My brother further told me one night that 
he had to run home or he would have been arrested. I saw him come 
home, and he looked very much excited. He went into the back yard 
just like the coward and remained there for some time. Later he told 
me that a lot of them went together to blow up a freight-house with dyna- 
mite bombs. This freight-house is on the corner of Meagher and Jefferson 
Streets. He said that he had the place picked out, and everything was 
ready. Then one of their number, who stood guard, gave the signal to run, 
and they all ran away. They had a meeting-place appointed in case they 
should be disturbed, and there they met afterwards. They decided to 
renew the attack, but finally, at the suggestion of a man named Sisterer, 
that they postpone it till another night, they all went home. On his way 


home my brother thought that some detective was following him. He 
became frightened and started on the run, and ran until he arrived home 

When a sister would tell such a story, fully corroborated by others, of a 
brother, it can easily be seen that he must have been a desperate man. It 
must be borne in mind that about the time Mrs. Sauer notified me of her 
brother's acts the city was wrought up to a high pitch of excitement over 
the .foul murder at the Haymarket, and there was a general sentiment that 
all the conspirators identified with that plot ought to hang. It required, 
therefore, no little courage on the part of a sister to give up her own 
brother to take his chances on the charges made. 

Mende must have reached a very low, or rather a very high standing 
among the bloodthirsty bandits, and the revelations concerning him showed 
that he was not only capable of tormenting a poor woman by his savage 
threats, but willing and anxious to distinguish himself in any wild carnival 
of riot, bloodshed and incendiarism. He was a man the police wanted, and 
he was accordingly arrested by Officers Whalen and Loewenstein on the 
7th of June. At the station he gave his age as twenty-nine years, and his 
occupation as that of a carpenter. He was tall, well-built, wore a heavy 
beard and weighed about 160 pounds. His appearance did not belie the 
statements made about him, and subsequent inquiries showed that he was 
all his sister had represented him to be. What he had told his sister about 
the arrangements around the Hinman Street Station was found to be 
strictly true, and the details about the riot at the Haymarket and the 
signal to the armed men in the outlying sections of the city were borne 
out by the statements of other Anarchists. 

While on his way to the station, Mende seemed perfectly indifferent to 
his fate. It came out, however, that much of his stoical air had been 
inspired by statements previously communicated to him by his Anarchist 
associates. The attorneys of the Anarchists, Messrs. Salomon & Zeisler, 
had advised the order that in case of arrest the distressed brother should 
seek to notify some friend they might meet while being taken through the 
streets to the station, and then, the information being brought to them, 
they would at once secure a release on a writ of habeas corpus. Mende 
acted on this advice. He knew probably, like the rest, that, once locked 
up, his chances for communicating with his friends for a day or two would 
be exceedingly doubtful, and so, while he was being marched through the 
streets, he encountered a friend and told him his name ; and that friend 
immediately rushed to the office of the attorneys and gave the name of the 
prisoner and the station to which he was being taken. 

Mende had scarcely been locked up when the counsel came to the Chi- 
cago Avenue Station and demanded to see the prisoirer. They were 
refused. On the next day they applied for a writ of habeas corpus and 


wanted the prisoner brought into court. The object of this was to put me 
on the stand in the case, and, by various questions, to obtain such informa- 
tion as the State might possess with reference to the Anarchists. I was 
.not to be caught in such a trap, and State's Attorney Grinnell decided to 
/release the prisoner, have him indicted and subsequently re-arrested. 

During the short time Mende was at the station he was plied with ques- 
tions, but he answered them all with denials. He said that he had never 
spoken to his sister about Anarchy and had never belonged to any organ- 
ization. Under cross-fire, however, he admitted that he had attended the 
meetings and owned a big revolver. The revolver, he said, he had sold to 
one Peter Mann about the ist of June. After his experience at the station 
he was, as might have been expected, at war with his relatives, but he kept 
.away from meetings. 

POLIKARP SISTERER, a German Pole, was an associate of Mende, but, 
unlike that rapscallion, he was not violent or demonstrative. Having a 
iamily may have done much toward tempering his disposition, but still he 
-was an Anarchist in the full sense of the word. He was a quiet, deep- 
plotting fellow, and perhaps on that account might be regarded as really a 
more dangerous man. He was a sober man, not given to beer-drinking 
.and wine-guzzling like Mende ; and, like Cassius of old, had a "lean and 
hungry look," bringing him within that class concerning whom the injunc- 
tion " Beware " might well be heeded in any special crisis. He was 
arrested on the 8th of June by Officers Whalen and Loewenstein and taken 
to the station. On the way thither he, like Mende, communicated his 
troubles to friends on the street, and was subsequently released under the 
same conditions. At the station he gave his age as thirty-one years, his 
occupation as that of a carpenter, and his residence as No. 85 West Six- 
teenth Street. He belonged, like Mende, to the Carpenters' Union, which 
met at Zepf's Hall, and took an active part in all Anarchistic movements. 
He was at first exceedingly non-communicative to the police, and insisted, 
whenever he did speak, that he had no secrets to divulge. He was shown 
to the " cooler " down stairs, and the next day he was in a talkative mood. 
He willingly took all the officers into his confidence and talked unreserv- 
edly. He said : 

" I belong to the Carpenters' Union, and Louis Lingg belongs to the 
same organization. I have known Lingg for about eight months. We 
were good friends, and, after the meetin s of the union were over, Lingg 
and I often went home together. I got acquainted with him at those meet- 
:ings. . Lingg was a good worker for the carpenters, and they all like him for 
the interest he displayed in their behalf. I saw him at our union meeting 
on Monday evening about eight o'clock in Zepf's Hall. He made a speech 
there and called all of us to arms and to be ready. He said that the police 
were ready to club us and would only protect the capitalists and work only 
in the interests of the capitalists. ' You can see for yourselves,' Lingg said 


' how the police acted at the McCormick factory ; they clubbed our people, 
they killed six of our brothers, and now we will fight them and take 
revenge.' He worked us all up, and every one was highly excited. He 
said that everything was ready and if we would only stick together we 
would win a certain victory. I saw at this meeting Hageman, Poch, 
Mende, Lehman, Louis Rentz and Kaiser. Rau and Niendorf were there 
and distributed the revenge circulars. That day Monday was a very 
exciting one among the Anarchists, and it would not have taken much to 
have started very serious trouble. Crowds of excited people were on Lake 
Street, from Union Street to the river, on that afternoon, and all were in 
bad temper. I attended the meeting on the afternoon of May 3d, at about 
three o'clock, at No. 71 West Lake Street, at Florus' Hall. I never was at 
any meeting held at No. 54 West Lake Street, at Greif's Hall, but I heard 
from others as to what had been done there. I saw Lingg again on the 5th 
of May, at Florus' Hall. I spoke to him, but he had very little to say. 
He looked downhearted. While I was there he disappeared, and I never 
saw him again." 

"Did you not give him money and clothes to get out of the city?" I 

"Well, no one can prove that. If you think I did, you had better find 
your witness." 

"Do you mean to say that you did not help Lingg ? " 

Sisterer hung his head and would vouchsafe no answer. 

He was released, as I have already stated, but since this episode in his 
career, he has taken the lesson to heart and appears to be determined to 
keep away from uncanny places on moonless nights. 

AUGUST KRUEGER, alias "Little Krueger," was a different sort of a man 
from the rest of his chosen brotherhood. He was quite an intelligent 
fellow, well educated, with genteel manners, well chosen language and 
rather natty dress. He was a draftsman by occupation, and he was highly 
skilled. He was, with all his bloodthirsty professions, a very clever fellow, 
and became quite popular with his low-browed associates. He belonged to 
the Northwest Side company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein and took great 
interest in the drills. His ideas, however, were somewhat different from 
those of the other Anarchists. He did not believe in riots, but thought a 
revolution should be brought about by a general uprising of the people. In 
the old country, he had been a Socialist, but had been obliged to leave 
some seven years before the time of the Haymarket riot. Arriving here, he 
identified himself with the Anarchists, and, taking a deep interest in all 
movements directed against capitalists, he soon became highly esteemed 
by Spies and others. He was at the Haymarket meeting, having come in 
the company of Schnaubelt, the bomb-thrower, and claimed that he also 
left the meeting in his company. While not in perfect accord with his 
associates on isolated riots, and while he did not sanction such methods to 
hurt people, Krueger still entered into their plans and worked hard for their 



cause, and when Spies and others had been condemned to die he origin- 
ated a plot to release them from the jail, which, however, failing to secure 
members enough to carry it out, he finally abandoned. 

After the Haymarket riot, Krueger was continually watched by the 
detectives, and on the I3th of June he was arrested. He was found at the 
Terra Cotta Works, on Clybourn and Wrightwood Avenues, and brought 
to the Chicago Avenue Station. Here he showed that he had considerable 
grit. He was the kind of man who would risk his life for a good chance 
in a general revolution, and, although he characterized some of the Anar- 
chists as fools, he stubbornly refused to testify against them. He was kept 

for two hours under a 
steady fusillade of ques- 
tions by Assistant State's 
Attorney Furthmann, but 
he held out doggedly un- 
der the heavy fire. He 
could not be made to in- 
form. He was subse- 
quently released by order 
of the State's Attorney. 
He was, when last heard 
of, still working for 
Messrs. Parkhurst & Co., 
the proprietors of the 
works, and appears to be 
well liked by them. In 
spite of his warning, he 
still adheres to his old 

His answers to the 
questions asked him were 
.as follows : 

" I am twenty-one years of age. I came from Germany seven years ago. 
I reside at No. 72 Kenion Street, near Paulina. I was a member of the Lehr 
und Wehr Verein a year and a half. I know Breitenfeld. He is the com- 
mander of the second company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. I am orderly 
sergeant and secretary of that company. Schrade was captain. I heard 
of the letter ' Y ' about the first of April. We had a different signal. It 
was '? ? ?. ' This signal invited the armed organizations. I cannot say who 
originated the signal. The signal was then changed to 'Y.' We always 
met up-stairs under this signal ' Y,' except the last two meetings. I saw 
that letter last on Sunday preceding the riot. I went to that meeting at No. 
54 West Lake Street (May 3) alone. I got to the meeting about 8:30 o'clock. 
I went into the saloon and then went down stairs. There were then only a 
few people present. Seeing that the meeting had not started, I went up 


From a Photograph. 
The figure on the extreme right is that of "Little Krueger." 


stairs again. Breitenfeld had charge of the door. I was not asked to show 
my card, but I had it with me. It was a red card No. 8. That is my 
number. We all go by numbers. I went down stairs again for a second 
time about a quarter to nine o'clock." 

A picture being shown him of Schnaubelt, he said : 

" I might have seen him. On Tuesday night, May 4, I was at Engel's 
house from nine o'clock to eleven o'clock. At the meeting I know that 
Fischer volunteered to have circulars printed for the Haymarket meeting. 
I am in favor of a complete revolution that is, when a majority of the 
people are in favor of it. I am an Anarchist, and will remain one as Jong as 
I live. My father was one, and he was warden of a penitentiary in the old 
country. I had to leave there because I was an Anarchist. I am opposed 
to all single attacks, like that at the Haymarket. I am in favor, also, of 
peaceable agitation. I could say more about others, but they are in trouble 
enough now. I don't want to be put down as a ' squealer.' I hope you will 
not insist on my becoming one, as I will not." 

EMIL NIENDORF, a German, was arrested on the i4th of June, by Officers 
Schuettler and Stift, and brought to the station. He had scarcely entered 
the place when he demanded to see me at once. On being brought into the 
office, he was asked what he wanted to say. 

"Well," opened up Niendorf, "I don't want to be locked up here six 
weeks. Neither do I want you folks to believe that I am a stubborn man. 
I want to talk. I want to tell you who I am, what I have done, and I don't 
want to be looked upon as a murderer. I am an eight-hour man. I want 
to get eight hours in a peaceable way. I do not want to kill people. I have 
no use for those rattle-heads." 

Niendorf was informed that all the officers connected with the station 
were too busy to attend to his case then, and that he would have to remain 
until the next day, when he would have an opportunity to tell all his troubles. 
He was locked up, but during the night, it appears, some prisoner or some 
one from the outside "put a flea in his ear," telling him not to open his 
mouth, to be a brave man, and he would come out all right. The next morn- 
ing at ten o'clock he was brought into my office, but he was not at all com- 
municative. He sat down and said nothing. 

"Well, Niendorf, how do you feel?" asked Mr. Furthmann. "How did 
you sleep ? " 

Not an answer. 

" Are you sick? " interestedly inquired Furthmann. 

No answer. 

" Did any one insult you or hurt you ? " continued Furthmann. 

Still no response. 

" Who has changed your mind since you were here ? " I inquired. 

Not a syllable of reply. 

"See here," said I, " you cannot make us feel bad. I will give you just 
two minutes by the watch to get over your lockjaw." 


This aroused Niendorf, and, looking around at all the officers present, he 
said : 

"Gentlemen, I have been warned not to speak. I did not see the party,, 
but some one called out my name and asked if I had been to the office yet. 
I answered no. The voice then said : ' When you go there, don't open 
your mouth, be motionless, and they will soon fire you out. Don't for- 
get.' " 

" That is just what I expected," I remarked. "Now you can do as you 
please talk or not talk. That party is not a friend of yours, and he wants 
to see you go to jail. Officer, take him down stairs." 

"Are you not going to let me speak? " nervously inquired, the prisoner. 

" How long will it take you to find your speech ? " exclaimed Furthmann. 

" Have I got to swear to what I tell you ? " 

" Yes ; you will have to do that whenever we send for you, and you must 
not leave the city without permission," said I. 

Niendorf then gave a statement of his knowledge of Anarchy. He 
appeared very ignorant, but, when spoken to, he showed that he was quite 
intelligent. He was twenty-six years of age, lived at No. 29 Croker Street, 
and, with fiery red hair, was a rather homely-looking man. 

He was released, and after his departure the officers determined to 
ascertain whether it was an "Anarchist ghost " or a man in flesh and bones 
that had hovered about the station warning Niendorf not to squeal. A 
close watch was accordingly put in the cell department to fathom the mys- 
tery. About ten o'clock that night a young fellow called at the station for 
a night's lodging. He was told to sit down and wait. He did so, and his 
wish was reported to me. Officer Loewenstein was sent back to look him 
over, and that officer presently returned and reported that the man did not 
look like a tramp. He looked more like an Israelite who had means, and 
the fellow was at once called into the office. There the officers unbuttoned 
his coat and discovered a clean young fellow, with a nice suit of clothes and 
a gold watch and chain. 

" What is your name ?" I asked sternly. "And don't forget to give it 

"Oh, please, I I did not mean anything bad." 

"Are you not baptized ; have you no name ? Officer, look him up until 
I find a name for him." 

" Let me go, and I will never come here again." 

"Who sent you here ? " I demanded. 

" I cannot tell do let me go. I will never, I promise you, come back 

" I don't think you will. When you leave here you will go through the 
'sewer.' ' 

With exclamations of great grief and remorse, he looked appealingly to 


all the officers in the room, and, recognizing Officer Loewenstein as one of 
his race, he fell on his knees and begged the officer not to have him put 
through the "sewer." 

"Were you not here last night ? " asked the Captain. 

" No, sir; it was another fellow." 

The turnkey of the station was sent for and confirmed the stranger's 
denial. The now thoroughly frightened young man was then asked as to 
who the lodger of the night before was, but all he knew was that he himself 
had been hired by an unknown man that evening for one dollar to come and 
seek lodgings at the station to warn Anarchists. When the stranger had 
measurably recovered from his trepidation, he gave his name as Moses 
Wulf, and, his information being of no value, he was released with a severe 

Niendorf's statement ran as follows : 

" I was at a meeting held May 3 at 8 P.M., at No. 122 West Lake Street. 
I was chairman. I heard some one state that the police had killed a dozen 
workingmen at McCormick's factory. That created a great deal of excite- 
ment for some time at the meeting. Then some one shouted: 'Better be 
quiet and let us attend to our own affairs.' We were only looking after the 
eight-hour movement. I saw the revenge circular at that meeting, which 
called the people to arms. Louis Lingg was present to report some meet- 
ing and some business transactions as a committeeman. William Seliger 
was there as recording secretary of the meeting. Rau was there, and some 
one said to me that he had brought the circular. A man named Soenek 
made a speech and advised us to use force. It was decided, on motion, that 
we should act in sympathy with the people at McCormick's factory. I have 
been a member of the North Side group for about a year. I was at a 
meeting at Zepf's Hall May 3, which lasted till eleven o'clock P.M. About 
nine o'clock a man at the back door called out that all the men who 
belonged to the armed sections should go to 54 West Lake Street in the 
basement, where a meeting was to be held, and I saw a lot of members get 
up and leave the hall. I know Lingg belonged to the armed section. At 
one time he offered me some of his dynamite bombs. I told him I did not 
want any of them. He told me on another occasion that I had better take 
some and try some of his stuff. I told him that I was afraid to handle his 
stuff and I did not want it. Our meeting May 3 at Zepf's Hall was known 
as that of the Central Labor Union. A little fellow named Lutz was finan- 
cial secretary at that meeting. Rau was there only ten minutes. At a 
meeting held some time ago in Lake View, I was chairman. Lingg was one 
of the speakers, and also a man named Poch. Seliger called the meeting to 
order. I know Gruenwald; he is thirty-five years old, a carpenter by trade, 
five feet eight or nine inches tall, and has red whiskers. I heard Lingg say 
at several meetings that if any members wanted any of his 'chocolate,' 
meaning dynamite or dynamite bombs, he would supply them." 

JOHANNES GRUENEBERG, a German, had the distinction conferred on him 
of being one of the last of the more conspicuous Anarchists to be arrested. 
He had been known to the police for some time, in a general way, and 


inquiries about him brought out the fact that he was a prominent figure in 
Anarchistic circles. He knew where all the leaders lived, frequently visited 
them, and tramped around so often that he became quite a well-known 
character. Even the dogs that infested the localities through which he 
passed wagged their tails in cheerful recognition, and Grueneberg always 
had a kind word for both the brutes and his Anarchist friends. He was 
forty-five years of age, a married man with a family, and lived at No. 750 
West Superior Street. He was a carpenter by trade. On the ijth of 
June he was working on a new building at No. 340 Dearborn Avenue, and, 
while right in the midst of an exhortation to the other workingmen on the 
beauties of Anarchy, he was interrupted by Officers Hoffman and Schuet- 
tler, who notified him that he was under arrest. 

"That is just what I have been waiting for," he exclaimed, not in the 

least disconcerted. "Is it that d d Schaack that wants to see me? I 

will tell that fellow who I am. I will surprise him. " 

"Johannes," said Schuettler, "you can save yourself all of that trouble. 
Schaack knows all about you. I saw your name in the book. " 

"Come on quick," said Johannes, "I will show you a gamy man. 
Whenever I leave home I always bid my wife good-by, because I have 
expected to be arrested at any time, and did not know when I would see 
her again, for I will not squeal. I knew of these squealers, and I told my 
wife I would kill myself first before I would squeal." 

Officers and prisoner started for the station. Johannes opened up on a 
half run, and the officers could hardly keep up with him, so anxious did he 
appear. He entered the office with hair disordered and on end, and his 
eyes bulged out with excitement as he hurriedly surveyed some six officers 
who were in the office at the time. 

"Which one of you fellows," he wildly asked, "is Schaack? Show him 
to me quick." 

"Grueneberg," said I, for I recognized him at once from the descrip- 
tions I had had of the man, "what is the matter?" 

" Are you Schaack ? " 

"Yes, I am Schaack." 

" You sent for me to squeal, did you ? " 

He instantly pulled out a big jack-knife, and, handing it out towards 
me, he continued : 

"Take this and cut my head off." 

He twice repeated the request, and, still holding out his extended hand, 
said : 

' ' I will never squeal ; you can kill me first." 

"I heard that you were crazy," said I, "but I never thought you were 
quite so bad as this. You must suffer terribly. The weather is too warm 


for you. ' I think you had better go down stairs and have a glass of ice 

"No," yehemently responded Johannes, "we had better settle this 
matter right now. I want to go out a free man, or else you will have to 
carry me out of here a dead man. I would thank you, however, for a glass 
of water, but don't put me down stairs. I have heard too much of that 
place already." 

"Oh," said I, "it is not a bad place. Just go down and see for your- 
self. You will like the place ; it is nice and cool." 

"Please, Captain, let me sit in the next room," said Johannes, cooling 
down considerably, and modulating his voice to a gentler key; "I will 
behave myself." 

His austerity of manner had completely vanished, and his ferocious 
mien and language had gradually disappeared. He saw in me a different 
man from what he had expected, and the courteous treatment accorded him 
had melted his heart and vanquished his anger. I granted his request and 
told an officer to sit with him in an adjoining room. 

The moment the officer and prisoner were in the room, Johannes 
remarked : 

"Schaack is not a bad fellow. Is he not going to stop arresting 

"Oh, no," said the officer, "he has a long list yet." 

"Are you with him all the time?" 

"I am." 

" Do you hear and see all ? " 

"I do." 

"Do the fellows all squeal? " 

"Yes, every one of them. If they don't squeal right away, they squeal 
the first chance they get." 

" I am too much of a man, and it would be very small in me to do so." 

" There have been as brave men as you in this office, and every one has 

"Well, when a man has a family, that cuts a big figure," said Johannes, 

" If you are going to talk to Captain Schaack," said the officer, reading 
the man's mind, " you must understand that he does not want any fooling. 
You either tell him all or nothing, because some one has already told on 

This settled the matter with Grueneberg. He wanted to see me, and he 
was brought back into the office. 

" I was a little excited," began Johannes, apologetically. 

" All right," I assuringly replied ; " sit down and tell on yourself first. I 
am going to give you a trial." 


Grueneberg then went on to say : 

"Well, I am an Anarchist. I always worked hard for the working people. 
I am proud of it. I did good as long as I could, but now it is all up. I am 
a member of the Northwest Side group and always attended our meetings. 
I never missed one. 

"On Monday night, May 3, I attended a meeting at Zepf's Hall. I 
remained there until about 9:15 o'clock. From there I went to Greif's 
Hall. This was a secret meeting of the armed men. While the meeting 
continued all the doors were kept locked, and guards stood on the outside 
of each door, and also on the inside, and extra guards on the sidewalk. If 
any one stopped on the sidewalk, he would be told to move on. I heard 
Engel speak of his plan ; that it was a good one. If only every one would 
do his work, then the matter would be a very easy one of accomplishment. 
He stated that the plan had been made up last Sunday at 63 Emma Street, 
and had already been adopted by the Lehr und Wehr Verein and the 
groups. All who had heard of the plan, he said, were very much in favor 
of it, and all understood by this time how to act. ' We are,' he continued, 
'going to do this right, because all the boys look to us as the leaders, and we 
are going to call a meeting for to-morrow night at the Haymarket. Since 
all the people are excited, we will have a large crowd, and we will have things 
so shaped that the police will interfere. Then will be the chance to give it 
to them ? I could notice by the acts of all present at this meeting that 
there was a great deal of bad blood among them against the police on 
account of the killing of so many people at McCormick's. " 

"Do you now believe that a single person was killed at McCormick's? " 

" Of course I do. You killed six men." 

" Not one was killed," said I, "and you ought to know that by this time." 

"All I' know," said Johannes, "is what August Spies said. I was a 
carrier of the Anarchist, Engel's paper. My route was on Madison Street, 
and on the Southwest Side," he continued, dropping the 54 West Lake 
Street meeting. 

"And what did you think of that paper?" I inquired. 

"That was the best paper we ever had." 

"It was too bad," added I, "that the sweet little paper died so young. 
Where was it printed ? " 

" I don't know, because the papers were sent to my house by the South- 
west Side group." 

" Who else carried that paper ? " 

" Messerschmidt, Schneider, Schoenfeld, Geimer and Kirbach. We 
each carried about fifty papers at a time." 

"Do you know anything more about the secret meeting at No. 54 West 
Lake Street, May 3d ? " 

"Well, I don't know all. I went out twice." 

"And how did you get in every time ? " 

" I had a card, and I had to show that every time. That is all, and, 
besides, the boys all knew me." 


" What do you know about Louis Lingg ? " 

" He is a good man. I like him. He speaks to the point." 

"On dynamite," I suggested. 

" Yes, and on other things." 

" He only likes Anarchists," I interrupted. 

"Yes, that is so." 

"What do you know about the Arbeiter-Zeitung ?" 

"Well, it is a very good paper, but it is too mild." 

"Do you mean to tell me that a paper which advises people to murder 
and kill is too mild ? " I asked. 

"They don't put force enough into it. They don't keep up things as 
they ought to. I know all who visit there. I am a friend of all the Spieses." 

After being "roasted" for three hours, Johannes was permitted to go 
back to his work, and he left under the impression that, after all, he had 
not said anything criminally implicating any of his comrades. He was not 
asked to report when wanted, as he was too noisy a fellow to have around 
the station, and the officers were as well pleased to see him go as they had 
been pleased to arrest him. He inaugurated no reform on his release. On the 
contrary, he was again as rabid as ever and ran around night and day trying 
to gather a mob to go to the jail and liberate the Anarchists. He made no 
secret of his work. He loved the red flag, he said, and he would die for it 
if necessary. One night he came to me in company with two other fellows 
and demanded the return of a large red flag which at one time belonged to 
International Carpenters' Union No. i. This flag had been taken by the 
police with many others some time before. Grueneberg said that he had 
marched behind it many times and he was proud of it. He wanted to see 
the "dear old flag" once more and secure possession of it. I had the flag 
at the station, but, knowing that Anarchists had an "undying love" for 
Inspector Bonfield, I remarked : 

" If you want the flag, all you have to do is to see the Inspector, and I 
am quite sure he will give it to you." 

An expression of intense disgust came over the faces of the three Anar- 
chists, and Grueneberg excitedly exclaimed : 

"Bonfield! Bonfield! Ah, the d d black Bonfield! I see him? 

Oh, no ! he is not gentleman enough for me to see." 

"Bonfield is a very clever fellow," said I ; "he likes such men as you." 

"Oh, yes; he would like my head in a bag. Good night, Mr. Schaack; 
I don't want the flag." 

Grueneberg belonged at this time to Carpenters' Union No. 241, and, on 
account of his peculiar and ridiculous actions, the members gradually grew 
suspicious of him and finally believed that he was a paid spy in the employ 
of some detective agency. They harbored their mistrust for a time, and 
then accused him of being a traitor. He demanded that charges be pre- 


ferred against him, and it was done. Grueneberg failing to answer these 
charges, he was expelled from the union. A few weeks thereafter he 
reformed, and one day, meeting me, he said : 

" I am done with these people. They are all cranks. No person can do 
enough for them. I worked with them night and day. They put me on 
all" the committees. I had to do all the running, and for all my trouble and 
as a reward they call me a spy. I am working steady now and they can all go 

to the d 1. I am only sorry for my poor children the way they suffered 

while I was giving my time to Anarchy. I have now worked four weeks 
and made full time. This I have not done before for the last two years." 

About two months after the above incident, Grueneberg and his family 
passed the Desplaines Street Station. Meeting me, Grueneberg spoke up, 
saying : 

"Well, Captain, what do you think of my family now?" 

" I must give you a great deal of credit," said I pleasantly. " You are 
all looking remarkably well. A man that has gone as far as you in Anar- 
chy deserves credit for such a great change, and if all the rest were kicked 
out of their unions, I think it would be a blessing to their poor wives and 

After bidding me good-by, Grueneberg and his family walked away 
proud and happy in their new condition, and I went to my office and drew 
this moral from the example of reform I had just seen : Here was a man 
who had belonged to the Anarchists for three or four years, and had been at 
one time one of the "rankest" kind. For two years his family had suffered 
want, and now, after having left the desperate band for two months only, 
his wife and children were once more made happy. Anarchy keeps men in 
poverty and families in trouble, distress and suffering. 

Grueneberg up to the present time has kept away from his former 
associates, and his change appears permanent and sincere. 

OTTO BAUM was one of the desperate Anarchists who made the air blue 
with imprecations against capital. He would have been gathered in with the 
others had it not been for his special care to keep out of the reach of the 
police. He lived at No. 137 Cleveland Avenue, was married and had three 
children, and, when he worked, which he rarely did, it was at the carpenter's 
trade. He was a strong, robust man, nearly six feet high, and with black 
hair, full, black beard, and piercing black eyes, he presented a rather vicious 
appearance. When he first came to Chicago, some four years preceding 
the Haymarket meeting, he joined the Socialists, and he soon became a full- 
fledged Anarchist. He belonged to the notorious International Carpenters' 
Union No. i. This union had then a thousand members, and Baum's number 
was 100. About two years ago the union changed its number to 241, and a 
worse set of Anarchists could not be found in the United States than the 
members of this organization just before the 4th of May, 1886. They were 


provided with all kinds of arms revolvers, daggers, rifles, dynamite and 
fire-cans. Lingg was one of the leading spirits in this revolutionary gang. 
After the Haymarket explosion, when the police took up a hot pursuit of 
the conspirators, Baum changed his residence with his family and carefully 
kept off the streets during the daytime. On the conclusion of the trial of 
the leading conspirators, he became emboldened over the immunity he had 
enjoyed from arrest, and crawled out of his hole, like a coon does in the 

So great was Baunrs interest in Anarchy that he wholly neglected his 
family. He never troubled himself about wife or children, but hung around 
saloons guzzling beer and breathing vengeance against the police and society. 
He went lower and lower from day to day, and frequently reeled home in a 
drunken stupor, only to abuse his family. About a year and a half ago, 
when his last child was born, his neglect had left not a mouthful in the 
house, and, had it not been for the kindly assistance of friends and neigh- 
bors, the family would have been in a most deplorable condition. When 
the child was a week old, the wife, poor and sickly as she was, had to leave 
the house and seek work to supply the family with the necessaries of life. 
With food thus obtained, almost at the sacrifice of the poor woman's life, the 
burly brute of a husband was always first at the table, and eagerly devoured 
what she had provided. Did he seek to obtain employment ? Not at 
all. He preferred loafing and talking about Anarchy. The poor wife's 
uncomplaining toil he rewarded with abuse and cruelty, calling her the vilest 
of names, and even kicking her about as if she were made of rubber. She 
was a delicate, sickly woman, but she bore his fiendish treatment, hoping 
that a change would come over him after the law had made an example of 
other Anarchists. But the change did not come, and finally she determined 
to seek the protection of the courts. Accordingly she went to the Chicago 
Avenue Police Court on the 6th of February, 1888, with her infant in her 
arms, and swore out a warrant against her husband. 

The lazy giant was at once arrested, and on the next morning the poor 

woman appeared to testify against him. Being unable to speak English, an 

interpreter was called, and during the recital of her grievances and the many 

indignities imposed upon her by her liege lord, the court-room was as quiet 

Imost as a death-chamber. All eagerly listened to her troubles, and, her 

statements being given in such a simple, convincing manner, many eyes were 

loist with tears. Justice Kersten, who presides over this court, has no 

regard for wife-beaters, and he promptly fined Baum $50. 

"That," said he, in an emphatic manner, "will keep you locked up for 
one hundred and three days." 

The brute was then locked up where so many of his former associates 
had been incarcerated two years previously, and in the afternoon he was 
sent to the House of Correction by Bailiff Scanlan. 



During this episode it came out that Baum had been quite active in 
Anarchist circles, and at the time the Anarchists were confined in the 
County Jail he was engaged in an attempt to gather a mob to effect their 
liberation. One night he went about saying that he was determined to kill 
somebody before the next morning. The more he talked, the more frenzied 
he became, and with his frenzy grew his thirst for liquor, the need of 
which he felt to get up his courage to the required pitch. A few hours 
afterwards he was found in the yard fronting his house, asleep and "dead 
drunk." The only courage he ever displayed was in lording it over his 


wife and beating her almost to death. He was a type of a very 
large class of Anarchists. He would call the better class of people 
tyrants, because they did not fill his pockets with plenty of money so that 
he could get drunk as often as he desired, but in his own household he was 
the meanest of tyrants. 

Had Mrs. Baum been a little shrewder, she would not have had to 
endure his brutalities as long as she did. There are many other wives of 
Anarchists who are ill-treated by their husbands, but some of these 
managed to bring their lords to their senses by a neat ruse. While the 
investigations into the deeds of the Anarchists were going on the bandits 


would almost crawl into a sewer to get out of the way of the police, and, 
noticing the timely fright that overcame the "reds" whenever an officer or 
detective appeared in their midst, many shrewd wives quieted wrathful 
husbands by threatening to go out and see me. This ruse, I learn, was often 
resorted to to avert a beating from a drunken Anarchist. 

GUSTAV POCH was a conspicuous figure in Anarchist plots, and never 
tired of working for the cause. But Anarchists are an anxious, jealous and 
thankless lot of people, and because Gustav was achieving a little more 
prominence than some of his immediate associates, they found fault with 
him and sought to degrade him. They might have secretly given him 
away to the police, and thus got him out of the way of their own advance- 
ment, but a fear for their own safety prevented such a course, and so they 
began calling him hard names. But I shall let Gustav state his own griev- 
ance. Here is a letter he wrote to his union : 

CHICAGO, September 10, 1884. 

At a meeting held on the 3rd of September, instant, of Branch No. 2, of Union No. 21, 
Carpenters and Joiners, the Secretary read a letter in which I, the undersigned, was insulted 
in a shameful manner. In this letter they called me a swindler simply for the purpose of 
breaking up the Union, and at the end of the letter they stated that I would be expelled from 
the Union on account of it. The letter was signed by Fr. Ebert and Dom. All these insults 
and injuries to my reputation I can't let pass. My honor, my reputation and my future pros- 
perity are damaged and at stake. I would, therefore, move that an investigation be made 
into the matter and that the instigators of the complaint be punished. What was their 
motive ? For the last few weeks complaints have been made against me by the Secretary to 
the effect that I, as Acting Secretary, had made false entries on the books. As he could not 
exonerate himself in the eyes of my brothers, he drew up the letter, which was published at 
the meeting of September 3rd, and which was signed by Fritz Ebert and Dom, to put me in 
a bad light before the Union. The evidence : Fritz Ebert told me in the presence of John 
Zwirlein that the main object out of which this accusation originated was the following : I 
was selected by President Blair on the 3rd of May to the Main Committee in place of 
Brother Eppinger, who could not serve on account of having too much other work while the 
strike lasted. After that I held this position nineteen days. I got paid for twelve days, and 
they withheld seven days from me and said I was discharged from the Main Committee. Is 
there anything to show that I was expelled ? Of course I put in my claim for $21 in writing, 
and no one ever told me what became of this claim. I was the only German-speaking repre- 
sentative on the Strike Committee, and I had to do more labor than any one else. Any one 
who participated in the strike during the last seven days can confirm this assertion. Now, 
how can Mr. Printer put up such a letter and show me up as a swindler ? 

In consequence of the insults inflicted on me, I besj for an investigation and for his 
punishment according to the rules and regulations of the Brotherhood. 



The Plot against the Police Anarchist Banners and Emblems Stealing 
a Captured Flag A Mystery at a Station-house Finding the Fire-cans Their 
Construction and Use Imitating the Parisian Petroleuses Glass Bombs Putting 
the Women Forward Cans and Bombs Still Hidden Among the Bohemians 
Testing the Infernal Machines The Effects of Anarchy The Moral to be Drawn 
Looking for Labor Sympathy A Crazy Scheme Catling Gun vs. Dynamite The 
Threatened Attack on the Station-houses Watching the Third Window Selecting a 
Weapon Planning Murder The Test of Would-be Assassins The Meeting at Lin- 
coln Park Peril of the Hinman Street Station-house A Fortunate Escape. 

IN the numerous arrests and raids made, the police became thoroughly 
acquainted with the most notorious Anarchists in the city, the ins and 
outs of their resorts, and even the interior arrangement of their dwelling- 
places. Not only were suspects arrested, but search was made for contra- 
band articles. A varied collection of arms, bombs, etc., and a large assort- 
ment of red bunting thus found their way to the Chicago Avenue Station. 
In all the public demonstrations made by the Anarchists in the city they had 
carried many flags, banners and transparencies as emblems of defiance, and 
whenever such were found they were carefully taken in charge. When the in- 
vestigations were concluded, the inner room of my private office was well filled 
with a most curious display of these time-worn and weather-beaten ensigns, 
and the collection is very interesting as a reminder of a critical period in the 
history of Chicago. There are flags of a very primitive and cheap descrip- 
tion, and flags more or less elaborate and expensive. They varied in size 
and differed in the degree of their crimson colors. Those belonging to 
groups were large and plain, showing frequent handling by dirt-begrimed 
hands, and were mounted on plain pine staffs. Those carried by the Lehr 
und Wehr Verein were of finer texture and larger in size, its principal 
standard, of silk, being a present from the female revolutionists and gor- 
geous in the amplitude of its folds. This silken standard was the pride and 
joy of the whole fraternity, and at one time it served to relieve the motley 
collection with its bright vermilion, but in some unaccountable manner it 
disappeared one day from a West Side police station. The reds had evi- 
dently set their hearts on recapturing it, and by some sort of legerdemain 
the} 7 succeeded. Who it was that accomplished the deed has never been 
disclosed, and in whose custody it is now is a profound secret, carefully 
kept by the Anarchists. 

The men who were always relied upon to carry these flags in the pro- 
cessions of the reds were Ernst Hubner, Appelman, Paul Otto, Stohlbaum, 
W. Hageman, Seliger, Lutz, Gustav Lehman, Paul Lehman, and Mrs. 
Parsons, Mrs. Holmes and some other women, and possibly some of these 



This is a tin can filled with petroleum, and provided with a small powder flask, secured in the center by 
means of a screw-top, which also serves to hold the fuse in position. Numbers of these cans were found. 
They were intended for setting fire to buildings and other property. 


may know something of the mysterious disappearance of the Anarchists' 
chief standard. 

During the searches by the department for other suspicious and inflam- 
matory articles, several fire-cans were found in the northwest part of the 
city, on the 3d of June, by Officer Whalen. In exterior appearance these 
looked very harmless, but an examination of their contents showed them 
capable of doing a great deal'of mischief. They each had a capacity of a 
quart, and were made of medium heavy tin, with a round hole in the center 
of the top, about an inch in diameter. This opening was provided with a 
threaded neck of tin about an inch high, with a cover to fit. Underneath 
the cover was a sort of clasp, into which fitted the neck of a small vial, 
and through the cover a small hole was bored, for the admission of a fuse 
into the vial. When ready for use the can would be filled with an explosive 
or with coal-oil, and the flask would contain powder. All that then remained 
would be to light the fuse, throw the can either into a lumber-yard or under 
the stairway of some residence or business block, and no one would know 
the perpetrator of a possibly disastrous fire. The cans found by Officer 
Whalen were loaded and had evidently been intended for use on the night 
of May 4. Fortunately the owner must have become frightened and hid 
them to escape arrest. 

The suggestion for the manufacture of these cans came from across the 
water. A short time preceding May 4, at a meeting held in Thalia Hall, a 
few Frenchmen and several Germans, who had passed through the reign of 
the Commune in Paris in 1871, gave a general idea of the important part 
such cans had played in that city and added that women at that time did 
as good work with them as the men. Such fire-cans, together with glass 
balls filled with nitro-glycerine, were carried in baskets, and if the reds 
wanted to destroy a building they would throw a can through the window, or 
if they desired to annihilate a guard of soldiers they would hurl into their 
midst one of the glass balls, which would explode by concussion and tear 
the men to pieces. 

These missiles had created great havoc in Paris, and the members of 
the Thalia Hall gathering were urged to adopt them for use in Chicago. 
At that time there were enough desperate Anarchists in the city to have 
used all that could have been manufactured, but some of the men at the 
meeting insisted that the women should be asked to assist in disposing of 
them to the destruction of the town. One big, loud-mouthed fellow, evi- 
dently a coward, shouted : 

"My wife will do that. She is an Anarchist as good as any one 
of us." 

No doubt she was an Anarchist, as the city had a great many of these 
poor, deluded creatures at the time, who were willing to do almost any- 
thing their husbands might ask, but many of whom have since had occasion 


to feel the poverty into which they were finally forced by men who neglected 
work, family and all for the sake of talking revolution. 

Many of these men were just cowardly enough to thrust their wives for- 
ward where danger lurked, and while they themselves enjoyed the safety of 
a groggery, they would have been pleased, "for principle's sake," to see 
their poor helpmeets go around and set fire to houses and other property, 
so that the dauntless husbands could brag of the brave achievements of 
"the family." 

The meeting in question must have set the Anarchists to thinking ; and 
it is a matter of record that Parsons had fallen into the same idea when he 
addressed a secret meeting on the North Side, to which I shall subsequently 
refer. It is certain that many of these fire-cans were manufactured. 

Besides the petroleum-cans discovered by Officer Whalen, a lot of the 
same kind were taken out of the city by way of West Lake Street on May 
7, when the Anarchists were hurrying their ammunition out of town to pre- 
vent detection. According to the statements of some reformed reds, there 
are a great many of these cans and bombs still concealed in the Bohemian 
settlement in the southwest part of the city. 

On the 8th of June, 1886, I decided to have the cans tested, and for this 
purpose detailed Officers Rehm and Coughlin. The latter had at one time 
been a miner, and was therefore experienced in the use of explosives. The 
two officers took one of the cans to the lake shore. The can was placed on 
a plot of grass and the fuse lighted. In eight seconds an explosion fol- 
lowed. The grass burned within a circumference of five feet. The flame 
extended four feet in height and continued for about three minutes. The 
officers gave it as their opinion that any one of the cans was sufficient to 
set a building on fire. 

What a blessing it was for our citizens that this devilish invention did 
not spread its destructive work before May 4, 1886. 

As stated at the outset, the police were brought, in all these raids, into 
close acquaintanceship with the malcontents, and often came in close con- 
tact with their families. Some of the sights they saw were shocking in the 
extreme, and they had many opportunities to sound the depths of misery 
and want entailed upon families by husbands gone daft on Anarchy. The 
tales of woe and domestic infelicity poured into their ears would fill many 
pages, but the general tenor of all can be judged by what has been revealed 
in the statements given in the preceding chapters. 

Anarchy may look extremely inviting when depicted by a plausible 
speaker, but its practical side is strikingly brought out in the home life of 
its devotees. Any one visiting the homes of Anarchists, and carefully con- 
trasting the surroundings with those of true laboring men not affected by 
the taint of revolution, would give Anarchy a wide berth. But unfortun- 
ately men get their brains turned over sophistical arguments against 



capital and madly rush to ruin without thinking of consequences until it is 
too late. Read the reports made to me at the time, and they all tell the 
same story of want and degradation. 

There always has been and always will be a fascination about any 
scheme that promises ease without labor. So long as men can be found 
with impressionable minds that can be swayed by demagogues into a belief 
that Anarchy has in it the elements of comfort, splendor and luxury with 
very little toil, so long, no doubt, will dupes be found ready to sacrifice 
energy, thrift and independence for the life-degrading scarlet banner. But 
such ease can never be attained through blood in the United States. That 
fact has been established in Chicago, and the precedent ought to serve as 

a terrible warning to all malcontents. If 
the abject want of those who constitute 
the bulk of the revolutionists, whose 
very squalor has been the result of their 
zeal for Anarchy, is not sufficient to deter 
men from becoming Anarchists, the fate 
of the eight conspirators who were 
brought to trial in Chicago ought at least 
to prevent men from plotting murder, 
incendiarism and pillage. 

With the tremendous odds against 
them, it is surprising that men could be 
found willing to take up arms for the 
destruction of life and property, and 
the action of the reds in Chicago can be 
explained only on the theory that they 
felt they had only to strike one severe 
blow to bring thousands of secret sym- 
pathizers into line, and cause capitalists 
HENRY SPIES to humble themselves in the dust be- 

From a photograph. f ore the Social Revolution. This theory 

is borne out by the statements of the many repentant Anarchists who came 
under the displeasure of the police. In their excited gatherings they had 
each propped up the hopes and spirits of the others, and all reason was sunk 
in the one frenzied, consuming desire to wreak vengeance upon those who 
had accumulated more wealth than themselves. They were bent on 
wresting away the wealth of others, and no mercy was to be shown to 
those who stood between them and that end. 

The police, as protectors of wealth in property and property in wealth, 
were the immediate objects of their enmity and wrath, and throughout the 
Anarchistic conspiracy, as has been shown by the disclosures made, we 
were to receive their first and special attention before the grand onslaught 


upon capitalists. Crazed by their speakers and dazed with the glittering 
prospect held out to them, the human fiends proposed to exterminate us 
with dynamite and then vanquish the rich and abolish all forms of property. 

Could anything be more absurd ? And yet that is what they sought to 
accomplish on the eventful night of May 4th. 

It would seem that the scheme to blow up the police stations could only 
originate in a lunatic asylum, but the confessions of those arrested show 
that men with apparently sound minds minds at least sane enough to 
keep them out of such institutions actually contemplated it and had 
made all the necessary arrangements to execute the plot. Strange must 
have been their conceptions of public sentiment when they believed that the 
execution of their bloody plan would result in the establishment of wider 
and freer social conditions, and strange, indeed, must have been their 
hallucinations when they thought that the devastation they proposed would 
be seconded and aided by the laboring men whom they counted upon as 
secret sympathizers ready to reveal their true feelings the moment the revo- 
lution was generally inaugurated. 

The danger of the scheme to themselves did not strike them until the 
last moment, when their courage was to be put to a practical test, but, 
fortunately for themselves, they went no further than the Haymarket riot. 

That they seriously contemplated more than they perpetrated is beyond 
dispute. They saw the intense excitement consequent on the eight-hour 
strike and the troubles at McCormick's factory, and knew that the police 
stations would be filled with officers in readiness for emergencies. They 
had called the Haymarket meeting for the express purpose of provoking 
hostilities, and they regarded it as an opportune time to strike a terrible 
blow against the police all over the city. Their calculations in that respect 
were eminently correct. 

The moment the reds began to incite a vicious mob to deeds of blood- 
shed, hostilities were provoked, and they got a dose of their own medicine. 
Had it not been for their precipitate flight they would have fared far worse. 
All the police stations were full of men, all the reserves having been called 
out for duty on the first sign of violent demonstrations, and these stood 
ready to make short work of all who might stand up against them in a con- 
flict. It was fortunate for the conspirators that they considered "discretion 
the better part of valor" at the Haymarket, and doubly fortunate that they 
received no signal to commence their bloody operations at the stations. 

The loss of life no doubt would have been appalling on both sides, but 
the outcome, as far as the triumph of law and order is concerned, would 
have been the same. The bomb would have done deadly work at the start, 
but the Gatling gun would have come to the rescue had the police been 
seriously crippled. 

Missiles of dynamite hurled into the stations on that eventful night of 


May 4 would indeed have created terrible havoc. In fact, the reds could 
not have chosen a time more favorable for their bloody plans. The East 
Chicago Avenue Station that night contained a very large force. I had in 
reserve and waiting orders one hundred and twenty-five officers. They 
were all over the building, up and down stairs, in the court-room, in the 
reception-room and in every other available place. Many were in the office, 
which is used as a roll-call room, and in which all details of officers are 
made. This office is in the center of the building and overlooks an alley on 
the east. The officers were organized into five companies, and all duly 
numbered. Any company could be called at any time, and in less than five 
minutes it would be in marching order. 

This precaution was taken in expectation of a call to the Haymarket, 
and the Anarchists, in the damnable conspiracies of that evening, had anti- 
cipated such preparations. They were accordingly on the ground. Fif- 
teen members of the North Side group, as appears plainly from the 
confessions of some of the Anarchists, loitered around the station, waiting 
for orders or signal, or to abide their own pleasure as soon as they could 
see for themselves that the riot had begun on the West Side. When 
that time arrived, they were to watch the windows of the roll-call room from 
the alley and throw their infernal machines into the midst of the officers the 
moment the room was full. 

The cut-throats skulked around the station like so many Indians around 
the cabin of a helpless settler, constantly dodging around in the darkness, 
fearful that they might be discovered. True to their instincts, however, 
these Chicago reds could not do without their beer while awake, and they 
made frequent trips to neighboring beer-saloons. About 9:30 o'clock Lieut. 
Baus and Lieut. Lloyd, each with a company of officers, returned from the 
Central Station, where I had sent them as a reserve during the Haymarket 
meeting, and when the Anarchists saw them in the roll-call room of my 
station, they sneaked around on the dark side of the alley and selected the 
third and fourth windows as those through which their deadly bombs should 
crash on their destructive mission. These windows are in the center of the 
large room. They had with them a number of bombs, both of the round 
lead and the long gas-pipe variety. While they stood underneath those 
windows, they got into a whispered quarrel about the kind of bomb that 
should be used. 

Bock had a round lead bomb, and he said : 

"I don't think this will go off. Let one of you throw a larger bomb." 

Then Abraham Hermann became angry and said : 

"You d d fool, what the d -1 are you here for, if your d d 

bombs are no good ? You are too much of a coward to throw them." 

Just at this point two officers left the station to visit a cigar-store, and 
stopped for a moment at the entrance of the alley to finish their conversation. 


The Anarchists saw them, and, thinking that they had been discovered, 
they hurriedly made their exit in an opposite direction, running to the rear 
of the building on its dark side and then emerging on Superior Street. 
Some of them went over to the West Side, to the Haymarket meeting, and 
others sought different saloons on Clark Street. 

After frequent libations, some met again on Superior Street in the 
vicinity of a wagon-manufacturing establishment, and, under the cover of 
numerous wagons standing on the street between Clark Street and La Salle 
Avenue, they decided that the men who then had 
bombs should proceed to the call-room windows, 
and the others, with revolvers, should take position 
in the alley diagonally across from the entrance of 
the station. Then, 
at the proper 
signal, the bombs 
were to be hurled 
in^p the room, and 
the men across 
the way were to 
fire a volley into 
such officers as 
might come out. 

While this plan 
was being form- 
ed, I received an 
order from In- 
spector Bonfield 
to send all my 
men to the West 
Side dou ble - 
quick, ready for 
action, with a 
hurried explana- 
tion of the riot 
and the killing of 

officers, and in less than four minutes I had seventy-five men on the way to 
the Haymarket. The Anarchists were still standing among the wagons, and, 
to their great surprise and dismay, they saw three patrol wagons passing with: 
a tremendous speed. Their hearts at once fell into their boots, and they 
knew that the trouble had commenced. They repaired to Moody's church, 
and remained there a few moments deliberating what should be done. One 
of them tried to brace up the flagging spirits of his comrades by saying! 
that "now the time had arrived when something must be done, but thefyJ 

From a Photograph. 


must never tell of their being there." Not one, however, seemed willing to- 
execute the plot they had agreed upon. On the contrary, they turned up 
La Salle Avenue and ran to Neff's Hall as fast as their legs could carry 
them. What occurred at that hall that night I have already shown in a 
preceding chapter. 

The plan to throw bombs into the roll-call room was afterwards unfolded 
to me by one of those in the plot, and, had it not been for the two officers 
accidentally stopping at the entrance of the alley, many of the boys of the 
Fifth Precinct would have been murdered even before the commencement 
of the riot at the Haymarket. The ruffians who hung around that station 
were Abraham Hermann, Lorenz Hermann, the two Hageman brothers, 
Habizreiter, Heineman, Charles Bock, Heumann, and others from the 
North Side group and Lake View. 

Another station in great danger that night was that on Larrabee Street,, 
in charge of Lieut. John Baus, with forty-eight officers. It is located on 
the northwest corner of Larrabee Street and North Avenue, and is a two- 
story brick building with a basement. This basement contains a cell-room 
located in the center of the building, with windows on the North Avenue 
side, and that side twas chosen for the scene of operations. The men 
especially relied upon to blow up this building were Lingg, Seliger, Muntz- 
enberg, Huber, Thielen and Hirschberger, and they, together with other 
members of the North Side group, lingered in the vicinity, loaded with 
bombs, and waiting only to see "the heavens illuminated" or to receive a 
message from one of the runners. But before they knew what had trans- 
pired at the Haymarket a patrol wagon dashed out of the station and 
whizzed by with a load of officers. This dazed them, and they hurried to 
Neff's Hall to learn particulars and receive new instructions. When they 
got there Neff told them that they were all a set of cowards and advised 
them to go home. They took his advice and were glad to crawl back into- 
their holes. 

Webster Avenue Station, in charge of Lieut. Elias E. Lloyd, with forty- 
four officers, also received attention. The building is a two-story frame 
located on the north side of the street, near Lincoln Avenue, and its prin- 
cipal apartment, the roll-call room, is on the first floor facing the street. 
The men especially assigned to the destruction of this station were Ernst 
Hubner, Gustav Lehman, Otto Lehman, Jebolinski and Lange, backed by 
several other frowsy and low-skulled sneaks, and these hovered around the 
station, hiding in dark recesses whenever some one casually passed along 
the sidewalk, or dodging into an alley whenever an officer was discovered 
approaching them. They all waited for "the signal which never came," 
and, getting tired of stimulating each other with a courage they did not 
possess, they finally concluded to adjourn to Neff's Hall. Whenever, on 
the way to that place, one upbraided the other for not throwing a bomb, 



each would point to the fact that the area in front of the building was 
always occupied by officers sitting in easy chairs and sniffing the evening 
breeze, and there was no chance to get near the cell-room ; but they all 
promised one another that they would go back and blow the building into 
smithereens and the officers into shreds of flesh, regardless of personal 
consequences, if they should hear "good news" at Neff's. But they did 
not go back. Lieut. Lloyd was not called on for assistance at the Hay- 
market until about eleven o'clock, and by that time the cowards had got 
their information at Neff's and were glad for an excuse to make a "bee line " 
for home, if the hovels they lived in can be dignified by that designation. 

There is no doubt that these wretches would have blown up the station 
if the police had dispersed the 
Haymarket meeting earlier in 
the evening, but by waiting so 
long they lost what little courage 
they had. There was no patrol 
wagon attached to this station 
at that time, but, as one of them 
told me afterwards, the Anarch- 
ists stood ready to hurl a bomb 
into a street-car had the officers 
come out earlier to take the cars 
in order to hasten to the assist- 
ance of the force at the Hay- 
market. They intended to make 
their work complete, and they 
were all well provided with 
bombs, even though they were 
rather short on courage. This 
was a part of the gang which 
had an appointment at Lincoln 
Park, only five blocks from the station, and some of them sought there 
early in the evening for a large number of recruits who failed to materialize 
when danger was in sight. 

The spot chosen for the meeting-place in Lincoln Park was at "Schiller's 
Denkmal " (monument). Here it was that a few gathered, but, not finding 
as many present as they expected, they separated to the several localities 
assigned them for the execution of their plot. 

It will be recalled that, at the Monday night meeting preceding the Hay- 
market riot, those living on the North Side were ordered to report at Lin- 
coln Park for definite instructions, and those on the West Side at Wicker 
Park, and the order seems to have been obeyed by a few of the more cour- 
ageous Anarchists. 

From a Photograph. 



The vicinity of the Schiller monument was the place also where those 
who had been arrested and had made confessions met, along with other 
Anarchists, on the night preceding the taking of testimony in the trial of 
the prisoners, and on this occasion, Mr. Furthmann tells me, they agreed, 
with one exception, to inform the prosecution that they would not take the 
witness-stand to testify to the matters they had revealed to the State. If 
they were put on as witnesses, they agreed, they could swear that all they 
had told me and Mr. Furthmann with reference to the conspiracy was pure 

and unadulterated false- 
hood. Mr. Waller refused 
to be a party to such an 
agreement, and by his 
stubborn stand he caused 
several of the other wit- 
nesses for the State to 
change their minds and 
stick to the truth. Others, 
however, held out, and, 
when asked by the State 
to appear, refused. Waller 
proved a very strong wit- 
ness, and, as Mr. Furth- 
mann says, not one of the 
witnesses for the defense 
dared to contradict his 

But to return to the 
contemplated attacks on 
the police stations. The 
Hinman Street house was 
the fourth one in the list 
marked for destruction. 
This station was in charge 
of Lieut. Richard Shep- 
pard, and contained on 
the night in question 
thirty-four officers. It is a two-story brick building with basement, and 
is situated at the northwest corner of Hinman and Paulina Streets. 
The basement is used as a lock-up for the detention of prisoners, and 
all the offices are located on the first floor, facing Paulina Street. The 
patrol-wagon barn is situated in the rear of the station, contiguous to an 
alley, through which the street is reached. Around this locality between 
eighty and a hundred Anarchists gathered for work and to await the 

From a Photograph. 


signal. Mende and Sisterer were at the head of this murderous gang. 
Some were to exploit with rifles from the alley north of the station and 
on the east side of the street; others, with dynamite bombs, were to 
look after the officers in the rooms where they might happen to be most 
numerous, and those with revolvers were to station themselves in the alley 
directly behind the station to shoot down any of the officers who might come 
out in the patrol wagon, and also to kill the horses. Others, again, with 
revolvers, were to post themselves in front of the station to kill those who 
might escape the deadly bombs and seek safety by rushing into the street. 
The riflemen were to come as a reserve force to shoot down any who might 
have escaped both the revolvers and bombs. They were a desperate set 
and appeared determined on the execution of the plot. The men who com- 
posed the gang were Germans, Bohemians and Poles, all members of the" 
West Side group, and some outsiders who worked in freight-houses and 
lumber-yards, and not one of them had any love for a policeman. This 
district had been for several years the scene of numerous strikes, and, as the 
officers had always suppressed the rioters, the latter were viciously dis- 
posed towards the guardians of the peace. Some of these reds were very 
anxious to see the work of annihilation commence, and they loitered around 
in small squads so as not to arouse suspicion until they could learn whether 
the- revolution had been inaugurated at the Haymarket meeting. There 
was no call on this station for assistance at the time of the explosion, as 
Inspector Bonfield thought it possible that trouble might arise at McCor- 
mick's, and the officers in that locality might thus be required in that direc- 
tion ; and as the diabolical conspirators saw no officers or patrol wagon 
move out, they became anxious to know how the Haymarket affair had termi- 
nated, and one by one they sneaked away from their hiding-places. When 
they finally learned particulars about the shooting, they ran home, and, like 
the cowards they were, kept under cover for several days. Later in the 
evening one company was ordered from this station to guard Desplaines 
Street, after the wounded officers had all been brought from the Haymarket. 
When the wagon had reached Halsted and Harrison Streets, however, 
Capt. O'Donnell halted it and ordered the officers back to the station, as 
it had been ascertained that all the Anarchists had sought their homes for 
the night. 

It was very fortunate that the officers were not called out earlier in the 
evening. If Inspector Bonfield had ordered them to report a few moments 
after the riot, very few of the men would have escaped alive. I have since 
learned that the brigands who were sneaking around that station that 
night numbered nearly one hundred, and as one-half of them were under 
the influence of liquor, it is very likely that they would have committed 
desperate deeds had the occasion offered. 


The Legal Battle The Beginning of Proceedings in Court Work in 
the Grand Jury Room The Circulation of Anarchistic Literature A Witness who was 
not Positive Side Lights on the Testimony The Indictments Returned Selecting 
a Jury Sketches of the Jurymen Ready for the Struggle. 

THE case was now in condition to be turned over to the courts. The 
detective work was done, and, as I flatter myself, and as the result 
proved, well done. A deliberate and fiendish conspiracy to bring about 
riot, destruction and death had been proven. The Haymarket gathering 
was projected to invite a police attack, and this attack was to be the pre- 
text for dynamite, murder and the social revolution. Of course much of 
the information given in the preceding pages was not used either in the 
grand jury room or at the trial. It was not necessary. State's Attorney 
Grinnell, with his usual wisdom and tact, selected only the best, strongest 
and most reliable witnesses, and left out the minor ones. The statements 
of all those who " squealed " were conclusive, criminative and corroborative, 
but their presentation in court would have simply lumbered up the case. 

As a result of the energetic work of Coroner Hertz the principal con- 
spirators had been bound over, without bail, at the inquest. 

The grand jury was impaneled on the i7th of May, 1886, and was com- 
posed of the following named persons : John N. Hills (foreman), George 
Watts, Peter Clinton, George Adams, Charles Schultz, Thomas Broderick, 
William Bartels, Fred. Wilkinson, P. J. Maloney, John Held, A. J. Grover, 
Frank N. Seavert, E. A. Jessel, Theodore Schultze, Alfred Thorp, N. J. 
Webber, Adolph Wilke, Fred Gall, Edward S. Dreyer, John M. Clark, 
John C. Neemes, N. J. Quan and T. W. Hall. 

Judge John G. Rogers delivered a long, able and forcible charge to the 
members of this grand jury. He first called attention to the necessity of 
their not being influenced in their acts by fear, favor or affection, and then 
dwelt upon what constitutes freedom of speech. He said : 

"We hear a good deal these days about what is called the freedom of 
speech. Now, there is a good deal of misconception of the Constitution of 
the United States and of the Constitution of the State of Illinois, and I may 
say of all States in the Union, upon this question of freedom of speech. I 
have copied the provisions upon which persons rely who continually say 
that in this free country men have a right to assemble men have a right 
to speak and say what they please. There is no such right. There is no 
such constitutional right. The constitutional rights as expressed in the 
Constitution are : 'That Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom 
of speech or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble 
and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.' The same 
principle is carried along into the State Constitutions; and in the Constitu- 




tion of the State of Illinois, and in its Bill of Rights, there is a provision 
that ' every person may freely speak, write and publish on all subjects, 
being responsible for the use of that liberty.' And in another provision the 
people have a right ' to assemble in peaceable manner, to consult for the 
common good, to make known their opinions to their representatives, and 
to apply for a redress of grievances.' You will perceive in a moment that 
the construction of the United States constitutional right has 
been interpreted, if I may so express myself, in the Consti- 
tution of the State of Illinois, and that interpretation is the 
one that the courts have always recognized, and that, while a 
man may speak freely and write and publish upon all sub- 
jects, he is responsible for the abuse of the liberty of speech. 
I refer to these constitutional rights because some men are 
so inconsistent as to say there shall be no law for any such 
rights, yet claim the protection of these rights in the broadest 
sense, and, with an interpretation satisfactory to their own 
minds, that a man may get up, and, in a public speech to 
a public crowd, advise murder and arson, the destruction of 
property and the injury of people. That is a wild license which 
the Constitution of this country has never recognized any 
more than it has been recognized in the worst despotisms of 
old and of monarchical Europe. I hope and you hope it 
will never be recognized." 

The eminent jurist then illustrated the point of responsi- 
bility. If, said he, he should get up and there advise mem- 
bers of the jury that the foreman ought to be hanged for some 
assumed offense, he would be advising the commission of a 
crime ; and if his advice was followed he himself who incited 
the hanging would be just as guilty of murder as the ones 
who did it. He next referred to the Haymarket riot and 
counseled the jury to look not only to the man who actually 
committed the crime, but to those who stood behind him, 
who actually advised it. He held that the men who so advised 
were equally guilty and should be held responsible for it. 
"What," he said "is an incendiary speech but inciting men 
to commit wild acts ? " He spoke of the red flag in Chicago 
and said : " What is a red flag in a procession, or a black 
flag, but a menace, a threat ? It is understood to be emble- 
matic of blood, and that no quarter will be given. Flags of NEEBE'S SWORD 

, ... AND BELT. 

that sort ought not to be permitted to be borne in proces- 
sions in this city." He referred to the labor troubles of the Knights of 
Labor, which, he acknowledged, happily had no connection with the Hay- 
market or with Anarchy, and then, for the guidance of the jury in reaching 
conclusions on the Anarchistic conspiracy, he quoted the statutes on what 
constituted conspiracy and the penalty for riots. In closing Judge Rogers 
counseled the jury to consider all evidence submitted with fairness and 


The next day the grand jury entered upon its work. A great many wit- 
nesses appeared before it, but many of them were not required at the trial, as 
their testimony would neither add to nor detract from the strength of the 
case. Facts were brought out under the latitude allowed in a grand jury room 
that could not, under court procedure, be brought into a cause on trial 
because of their not bearing directly on the charges, or not tending to sup- 
ply some material connecting link in the chain of evidence. Some of this 
testimony, while not serving to throw any special light upon the conspiracy, 
may yet illustrate some phases of Anarchy growing out of the propagation 
of Anarchistic ideas and features incidental to the cause celebre; and for 
that purpose I have carefully scanned over the official grand jury reports 
and selected such omitted points as. will serve to give a better general idea 
of the whole subject.* 

The sale and circulation of Anarchistic literature in Chicago was one of 
the matters into which inquiry was made. Anton Laufermann, a Division 
Street bookseller, testified that Most had written "The Solution of the 
Socialistic Question," " The Movement in Old Rome, or Caesarism," " The 
Bastile at Platzensee," and other works, including "The Science of War." 
It appeared that these Anarchistic books were not, as a ru